The issue of censorship has been a hot topic in politics, and within the last month it has come to a head in Georgia with a recent Senate Bill, GA SB 74. This bill addresses the distribution of materials deemed “harmful” to minors, and it eliminates the protections that were previously afforded to librarians within state code. Essentially, where libraries were originally exempt from legal repercussions regarding distribution of “obscene” materials to minors, librarians could now face consequences for the books they lend out to underage patrons. This includes any materials that might be perceived as indecent or profane, and this recently proposed Senate bill would substantially restrict the types of materials that can be freely distributed by libraries.

Given how controversial the issue of censorship is in contemporary politics, the bill has faced criticism from the public. Libraries have proven to be an invaluable part of the Georgia community, with over 400 spread across every county in the state. Without the previous exception protecting libraries’ ability to freely disseminate materials, young readers could face significant restrictions on the topics they can read about in libraries.

Georgia code defines works as “harmful to minors” when it lacks any serious literary, political, artistic, or scientific merit. However, there are no clear standards for determining what works fit under this exception. This determination is highly subjective and gives cause for concern about certain topics being more vulnerable to censorship than others. While it is true that the same standards may be applied to all literature in theory, restrictions on literature tend to disproportionately affect books addressing issues of race, gender, and sexuality. This bill has not yet been passed, as it is still awaiting a vote by the Georgia House, but should this bill be passed, Georgia librarians will forever have the threat of legal action hanging over their heads, preventing them from lending books that touch on historically censored topics to young students.

This threat to students’ ability to freely access books cuts to the core of what it means to provide young adults with a comprehensive education. GA SB 74 comes in the wake of President Trump’s ongoing efforts to dismantle the Department of Education, including a recent executive order on the subject. It remains to be seen how the Department of Education might redistribute its powers to other departments–and which roles it plays will simply cease to exist. However, should the Department of Education be eliminated, the lack of federal funding to ensure quality of education would disproportionately affect poorer communities and rural areas. Furthermore, many communities dominated by racial minorities will tend to feel the impacts of this executive order the most severely, given the department’s role in providing funding to under-resourced Black-dominated neighborhoods. Additionally, the abolishing of the Department of Education would eliminate support for students with disabilities and make their education even more inaccessible.

Furthermore, through various executive orders, President Trump is seeking to push a pro-privatization agenda through educational policy. One way in which he is aiming to do this is by utilizing public funds that would go toward the public education system to instead help parents pay for privatized, often faith-based education. However, sending a student to a private school rather than a public school could severely restrict the scope of the education a student is receiving, especially without the Department of Education’s oversight in ensuring the quality of education students receive. This effect is only exacerbated by GA SB 74, which would restrict libraries from providing materials that could expose K-12 students to topics that their education may not address.

This is not the only executive order from President Trump that puts the integrity of K-12 public education at risk. Trump has also made education on race-related issues a target through his executive order banning education on race-related issues. With the Trump administration’s attempts to limit students’ exposure to race-related issues and privatize education, students’ exposure to diverse topics is becoming increasingly threatened, an issue exacerbated by GA SB 74. The best way for students to subvert these attempts to restrict what they can learn about is for them to be able to openly access information and literature outside the scope of their education. Thus, the legal perils of librarians providing such materials to young students is another means of censoring education.

President Trump cannot fully disband the Department of Education without congressional approval. Even so, he seeks to drastically reduce its power and functions to only the barest necessities and take action to preemptively facilitate its disbanding. This, coupled with the number of executive orders he has been able to pass regarding restriction of education, has severely destabilized the comprehensiveness of lower education, preventing young students from learning about highly essential topics related to social issues and taboo topics in American history and culture. The combined impact of this and the recent Georgia Senate Bill would make it immensely difficult for Georgia students to access information unrestrictedly.

GA SB 74 has not yet been passed into law; the end of the Georgia legislative session on April 4th may prevent it from being passed into law this legislative session. However, the introduction of this bill sets a dangerous precedent for the future of libraries’ legal protections. Given the recent attempts to dismantle the Department of Education, it is certainly possible that there will be continued attempts in future legislative sessions to strip libraries of their discretion on what materials to distribute. Such a development would have a substantial impact on Georgia students’ ability to receive a well-funded, comprehensive education.

The United States remains a global superpower in economic and military power. However, it has been losing ground to China in the critical minerals sector for years. Critical minerals are rare earth elements (REEs) and substances essential for manufacturing technological equipment such as semiconductors, EV batteries, solar panels, and wind turbines. Sought-after critical minerals include lithium, nickel, cobalt, and copper. These mineral reserves are not in shortage, rather, mining and production abilities have not evolved at the pace of demand.

While Africa has historically stood as a key source of critical minerals, Latin America has gained leverage in the critical minerals market as importers seek to diversify critical mineral suppliers. The Lithium Triangle alone, which encompasses Chile, Bolivia, and Argentina, contains more than half of the world’s reserves of lithium, more than a third of its copper, and nearly one-fifth of nickel and rare-earth metals alongside smaller reserves of cobalt, titanium, zinc, and REEs.

Although Latin America’s reserves are abundant, its production capabilities are limited due to a lack of infrastructure and domestic investments in mining and supply chains. Protests over poor working conditions and environmental damages from mining expansions have taken place, which has built up opposition to foreign offshore investments. 

Both China and the United States have demonstrated interest in Latin America’s resources, with China surpassing the U.S. as the region’s top trade partner as of 2025. With both countries searching for more sources of critical minerals, can their ambitions coexist in Latin America, or could the competition worsen tariff wars? With China already having an established presence in the region, can the United States successfully “catch up” or is it too late?

China is the world’s largest importer and exporter of critical minerals and dominates global refining processes. It accounts for 70% of global extraction and over 85% of processing capacity. In its expansion to the Western Hemisphere, China has heavily invested in Latin America to acquire critical minerals for its military, EV, and renewable energy industries. For decades, it has established free trade agreements (FTAs) with various Latin American countries, primarily Venezuela and Chile. Since 2017, it has invested billions of dollars in long-term major mining projects in Argentina and Peru through companies such as Tianqi Lithium and Zijin Mining Group. Additionally, China has been actively buying shares in local Latin American mining firms, such as Chile’s Sociedad Química y Minera (SQM), and has whole mines in Brazil and Peru. Consequently, Latin America’s geopolitical position has been limited to exporting raw materials and selling companies and mines to Chinese companies.

With China’s reach expanding over the region’s top mines and companies, there are growing fears of Latin American mines and companies being bought out and plagued by poor working conditions, as is the case in Africa. These fears are already materializing, as the Chinese-owned Peruvian copper mine Las Bambas was temporarily shut down in 2022 due to local protests.

The United States is among the top five world critical mineral importers, according to the World Trade Organization in 2022. Despite having considerable domestic reserves of magnesium and zinc, the United States relies on foreign imports for over 80% of its critical mineral needs, with China being its main exporter. Despite being key trade partners, U.S.-China trade relations have been tense over the years. This has culminated in China’s recent tariffs and bans on critical mineral and rare earth elements to the United States, to which the U.S. responded with tariffs on Chinese imports. Expanding into Latin America could help the United States decrease U.S. reliance on China for critical minerals while solidifying its influence in the Americas region.

The United States’ efforts and investments in Latin American critical minerals have been insufficient. The 2023 Inflation Reduction Act (IRA) is the most significant effort, which established a Free Trade Agreement (FTA) with Chile with tax subsidies to Americans who buy EVs made with Chilean lithium. 

Instead of buying out mines and companies without regard for work conditions and local protests as China has done, the United States must take a relationship-focused rather than a colonial exploration-focused approach to Latin America. With its vast industrial capabilities, the U.S. could establish professional training, technology, and infrastructure exchange to build up struggling local supply chains, thus keeping profit and jobs locally. To complement its investment, the U.S. should negotiate Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) through the IRA similar to Chile’s with Brazil and Argentina, for example, focused on critical mineral security.

The United States cannot fully avoid or run away from China in Latin America. It must recover its regional leverage by fostering relationships rather than neo-colonial exploration to maintain critical mineral security before it is too late.

From salads to sushi, tuna is the second most popular seafood product in the United States, with the market size reaching around $3 billion in 2023.

But why? The 1900s were a time of huge conflict for the entire world. As a direct result of this conflict, immigration policies changed rapidly, reflecting the US’s allies and adversaries. Some notable events include American responses to Pearl Harbor in 1941 and Franklin D. Roosevelt’s executive order relocating over 100,000 Japanese Americans to internment camps.

The internment order had a major impact on the American attitude toward East Asians. The idea that “Japan is the enemy” permeated the United States. This belief can be traced through almost everything from this time period—from racist imitations of East Asians in media to government actions against those of Asian descent. In 1948, Truman issued reparations for Japanese populations affected by internment. Four years later, Japanese immigration was made legal again with the withdrawal of the 1924 Immigration Act.

Though American attitudes towards East Asians remained mostly negative for decades after, the development of Asian enclaves– such as Chinatown and Japantown– embodied the increase in immigration amidst the cultural tensions. These ethnic pockets would remain a safe haven for immigrant populations and foster cross-cultural interactions. Restaurants in these areas began to attract patrons in surrounding areas, thus spreading their distinct flavors. Through this culinary exchange, tuna—one of the primary fish in Japanese cuisine—made its way onto the American plate.

The growth of East Asian communities in the United States facilitated the spread of tuna-based dishes into mainstream American sensibilities. In 1989, the available amount of canned tuna rose to almost four pounds per person due to growing consumer demand.

Ecological surveys show that the rapidly increasing demand for Atlantic bluefin tuna is met with a race to meet it, directly resulting in the overfishing and overextension of existing fisheries. In order to maximize their profits and supply, fisheries have developed techniques to harvest as much meat as possible while keeping costs low. One of these techniques is “purse-seine,” which uses nets to trap lage schools of bluefin tuna. The technique often ends up catching and killing dolphins and other sea animals by accident. These nets primarily target juvenile bluefins so that they can be raised, bred, and harvested in a commercial setting more efficiently. Despite being profitable, this practice applies ecological pressure to the tuna’s environment. As younger tuna are taken away from their habitats in vast amounts, there is an overall decline in tuna populations. 

As a major predator within their environment, the bluefin tuna’s absence has major consequences on all other species. Besides these environmental impacts, there are also social and cultural impacts. Many East Asian states, especially island nations, rely heavily on seafood products as a key part of their diet and as valuable export goods. However, the sharp increase in global tuna demand has caused suppliers, especially small-scale fishers, to struggle to have competitive supplies. As larger distributors employ unsafe methods and are able to buy out local fisheries, the space in the market for small businesses vanishes. Even in Japan, where fisheries are a major part of the economy, locals’ ability to independently meet their seafood needs is waning. Although overfishing and increased consumption will be hard to reverse, there have been some initiatives such as the United Nations’ strides to reduce the stress on fisheries.

Humanity’s relationship with the ocean has been complicated and unhealthy—we rely heavily on its resources but are unable to maintain safe and sustainable practices in acquiring such resources. 
Tuna is just one very narrow example of this issue. Many well-known historical events have played important and unexpected roles in spurring cultural change: the tragedy of 9/11 on the development of popular book and movie series Twilight, World War II and its effect on box cake mix. Global policies and culture are intrinsically interlinked with the physical world around us. Every step we take and every political action has a massive impact on the legacy that we leave future generations. It’s essential to recognize that all issues, at their core, will intersect in some way. Of course, it is impossible to find a “one size fits all” solution, but understanding that every action we take will have a different, reciprocating response is essential as we move forward. These butterfly effects are everywhere.

By: Mayerlyn Rivera and Beata Tewell

Upcoming

Georgia 

On Oct. 26, Georgian citizens will take to the polls to vote in the parliamentary elections. Many fear the outcome at the end of this week with the participation of the Georgian Dream (GD) party and recent behavior. As of recently, the GD party has advocated for a “foreign agent” law that will allow non-governmental organizations to have power- instilling a fear for a loss of democracy in the state. The current prime minister, Irakli Kobakhidz, was appointed by parliament in February, a very criticized decision by the public, and announced that if the GD party won he would ban any opposing parties from running opposite of him, raising the importance of this election’s results. There have been concerns that the GD party may be drifting from EU accession and NATO military alliance deals for Georgia and leaning towards going into active retaliation with Russia. This has sparked quite an uproar for the more than five political parties because it is the main issue that they come together on. The fears stem from a concern that the GD party may embrace Russian President Vladimir Putin and anti-Europeanism. 

  This will not only affect the internal functionality of Georgia, but the way they interact with other states on a global scale. Whether or not they will continue to maintain a pro-Western relationship through policy will affect the future of Georgia’s state. Overall, there is a fear that Georgia may be entering a period of democratic backsliding due to the autocratic policies and standards that the GD party has pushed for and displayed support for. 

Uruguay

On Oct. 27, Ururguyans will take to the polls to vote on their next president, all the seats in the upper and lower houses of Parliament, and notably a potential referendum that would change the pension system. There are two parties in the running: left-center Broad Front coalition, and incumbent National Party. If there is not a candidate with majority votes above 50%, there will be a runoff on Nov. 24. Along with the refresh of the executive and judicial branches, the two referendum questions Uruguyans will vote on are on a constitutional ban on night time police home raids and a pension reform for reverting the retirement age. 

Looking at potential poll predictions, under most options for presidential and parliamentary results, the polls display the Broad Front (FA) party taking a majority of the votes. For the referendum predictions, the voter predictions may lie in favor of allowing police home raids and being against lowering the retirement age for pension benefits. These predictions have been made with AS/COA compiling poll election views on the candidates and concerns citizens have for their vote this week. There are great chances of the presidential candidate choice continuing into November for a runoff vote, but it will be a result to watch considering the divide of voters after the impact COVID-19 imposed on the state of Uruguay and their citizens. 

Recap

Lithuania

Lithuania’s first round of elections for the Seimas, Lithuania’s unicameral parliament, took place on Oct. 13, 2024 with the second round scheduled for Oct. 27. The 141 member body consists of 71 direct mandates, to be voted on in the second round, and 70 seats to be divided up proportional to how each party fared in the first round. In the first round the opposition Social Democrats came out on top, confirming earlier projections. Voters seemed to be especially concerned with the rising cost of living and the threat to security posed by Russia, whose enclave Kaliningrad shares a direct border with the Baltic state. The Social Democrats, under the leadership of Vilija Blinkeviciute, have announced that they seek to form a coalition with other left wing parties in order to oust the current conservative government under prime minister Ingrida Simonyte. A new right wing populist party, called the Dawn of Nemunas, participated for the first time in the election and received 15% of the vote.

By: Claire Scafidi

Introduction

Despite Thai people making up just 0.1% of the United States’s population, there are 10,000 Thai restaurants across the country, making the cuisine one of the most popular choices among Americans. Why is the ratio of restaurants to immigrants disproportionate? How did Thai food become so popular in the U.S.? The answer is found in a policy Thailand invented: gastrodiplomacy. 

What is Gastrodiplomacy?

The term “gastrodiplomacy” was first used in a 2002 article by The Economist discussing Thailand’s Global Thai Program. Food has been a part of traditional diplomacy since ancient times, with diplomats being treated to incredible dinners. Food is highly personal to one’s family, culture, and individual sense of self, and considering the personal is political, food has the potential to be deeply political. Gastrodiplomacy can improve a state’s image using soft power and name-brand recognition. Soft power uses persuasive power and cultural institutions to exert a state’s goals. Cultural practices are a new important feature of soft power as food can create cultural awareness as foreigners begin to recognize and appreciate the culture. Studying gastrodiplomacy and its effects is challenging, which leads to a need for more empirical data supporting the term. Results of gastrodiplomacy include tourism, increased restaurant opening, food exports, and inbound foreign direct investment. Gastrodiplomacy broadly seems to encourage exports for countries with a lesser democracy level as food transcends the issue of democracy. Gastrodiplomacy aims to influence “the people” rather than the “elite” to increase its audience and international influence. Food influences our decision-making, as sharing a meal increases positive social behavior. Through gastrodiplomacy, the country’s platform is expanded to foreign countries. In Thailand, restaurants serve as cultural diplomats, creating a positive image for the country. Since Thailand’s program, several other countries, such as Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, and Peru, have forayed into the realm of gastrodiplomacy. 

Global Thai Program 

In 2002, the Global Thai Program was created as a diplomatic initiative to increase Thai restaurants worldwide by implementing policies to make it easier for Thai restaurants to import Thai food, train Thai chefs, and access financing plans. Specifically, the goal was to increase exports and its name-brand recognition. Between 10,000 and 15,000 Thai restaurants were opened on behalf of the Global Thai Program. Thailand used gastrodiplomacy to increase agricultural exports and rebrand itself as the ‘kitchen to the world.’ The explicit goal of the Global Thai Program in 2002 was to increase the global demand for Thai food by internationalizing the cuisine. The success of the Global Thai Program has transformed Thai food from being perceived as ‘exotic’ to becoming a part of mainstream American take-out culture– a clear indication of the impact of gastrodiplomacy. 

Following the success of the Global Thai Program, Thailand launched a second initiative: Thailand: Kitchen of the World. This initiative aimed to introduce Thais to their unique culinary history and culture and teach foreigners about Thai cuisine. The Thai government played a crucial role in this, encouraging Thai investors to invest in restaurants, providing large budgets, creating Thai culinary schools explicitly geared towards chefs aiming to work abroad, and loaning money to foreign Thai restaurants. The proactive role of the Thai government in promoting Thai cuisine and culture through these initiatives is a testament to their commitment to preserving and sharing their culinary heritage. 

Pad Thai 

Pad Thai, a dish widely known in the U.S., was a significant part of the Global Thai Program despite its origins in a Chinese dish. The flavors of Pad Thai are distinctly Thai, and it was primarily invented and popularized in 1938 during a rice shortage to promote rice noodles, which used 50% less grain. Using ‘pad, ‘ a Thai word for fried, this innovation distinguished Pad Thai in Thai culture. The Thai prime minister at the time, Plaek Phibunsongkram, emphasized the importance of a national culture and a national dish. During World War II, Pad Thai also created a sense of nationalism in Thailand as a cheap street food option that many Thai families relied on. The cultural significance of Pad Thai, its unique flavors, and its role in Thai history make it a dish that connects people to the rich and diverse Thai culture. 

Today, Thai Food, especially Pad Thai, is a popular American take-out choice due to the success of the Global Thai Program. Its distinct Thai flavors and function as a street food has made it a unique part of Thai culture. The essential ingredients of Pad Thai include meat, tamarind, palm sugar, fish sauce, eggs, dried shrimp, garlic, tofu, salted radish, peanuts, rice noodles, and bean sprouts. However, the recipe for Pad Thai is open to interpretation, leading to various delicious and unique variations. Marie Wilson wrote “Siamese Cookery,” the first Thai Cookbook published in the United States. It was a cookbook that simplified and Americanized Thai recipes. 

Next time you eat a variation of Pad Thai or drive past one of the numerous Thai restaurants in your city, remember the origins of gastrodiplomacy and the soft power covertly exerted.

As awareness of the global climate crisis has increased, so has popular support for electric vehicles (EVs). Fossil fuel emissions from non-electric vehicles are a massive contributor to the climate crisis; greenhouse gas emissions from transportation are responsible for the largest share of greenhouse gas emissions in the United States. Though the EV movement has been embraced as a vital step in addressing the climate crisis, the movement has far-reaching, often unseen human rights implications. Forced labor, child labor, and sexual abuse are all common occurrences at one of the most important locations for the production of electric vehicles: cobalt mines in the copper belt of Africa. 

The first steps toward the electric vehicle were in the 1800s, following the creation of the battery and the electric motor. The first successful electric cars were built in the final decade of the century, sparking the first stages of the electric vehicle movement. Though the strength of the electric vehicle movement dipped dramatically in the 1910s following the large-scale production and widespread sale of Henry Ford’s Model T, interest finally increased during the gas shortages of the ‘60s and ‘70s. Roughly 20 years after the gasoline shortage and subsequent increase in gasoline prices, the movement was reinvigorated by the Clean Air Act Amendment and the 1992 Policy Act. As a result of widespread transportation emissions regulations, auto companies began manufacturing more – and better – EVs.  

Understanding how EVs function is vital to understanding the human rights implications of the movement. The use of lithium-ion batteries, for which cobalt is a critical component, is the main culprit of the human rights concerns related to EVs. However, without cobalt, the batteries that power electric vehicles wouldn’t be able to drive as far, last as long, charge as fast, or be as stable. 

The Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) – located in what’s known as the “copper belt” in Africa – is one of the most resource-rich nations in the world. The resource abundance in the Congo led to its colonization by the Belgians in the 19^th century. Since, the nation has been plagued by exploitation of its resources leading to incredible levels of poverty among the people of the DRC. This exploitation is largely due to the abundance of cobalt as the country has the largest reserves of cobalt in the world.  

Artisanal small-scale mining (ASM) – mining by individuals and groups rather than corporations – is supposed to make up only a small, highly regulated portion of the cobalt mining in the Congo. Despite this, the proportion of cobalt mined through ASM is overwhelming. It is in the areas rife with artisanal small-scale miners rather than industrial mining where the most human rights abuses take place.  

Because of the extreme poverty faced by many Congolese people – due in part to government corruption – many children are forced to work in these mines; roughly 40,000 children, as young as six, work in ASM. As a result, few children receive adequate education. Miners typically earn less than $2 per day and are made to take part in back-breaking labor and expose themselves to toxic substances in the process. Deaths due to tunnel collapses are common, as is sexual assault of women and girls. Miners, however, have nowhere else to turn. Jobs are scarce and the demand for cobalt is ever-increasing, though miners’ wages are not. While some changes have been made to this process – the Congolese government has adopted a mining code and is setting aside more land for formal ASM – progress has been slow. However, some companies have started trying to formalize ASM projects, by regulating mining methods and working conditions. Standards for mine safety and child labor must be established to ensure responsible cobalt sourcing. Even though most of the change that needs to happen is at the company or government level, people can still help make a change in this area. By naming and shaming corporations that use cobalt from artisanal small-scale mines, those disconnected from the mining industry and the DRC can make an impact. It is vital to address climate change, but it is just as important to ensure that we are not enabling practices that blatantly violate human rights in the process.

Photo Credit: https://www.npr.org/sections/goatsandsoda/2023/02/01/1152893248/red-cobalt-congo-drc-mining-siddharth-kara

Both Turkey and the United States boast republic and democratic government systems. While both countries offer the constitutional right for citizens to vote, there is a large disparity when it comes to the number of people who actively participate in elections, Turkey often has an exponentially higher turnout rate, with 80% of its population voting in mayoral elections. Where does the United States fall short when it comes to democratic participation and what lessons can be learned from a country with such a high turnout?

There has been an abundance of research into the factors contributing to the lack of attendance at the polls in the U.S. A significant finding is there are certain groups which are historically underrepresented each election cycle. Voter turnout is historically lower among college students, especially in the United States (Neimi and Hanmer). For example, Athens-Clarke County, the home city of the University of Georgia (UGA), has a large proportion of college students. In 2021, UGA students comprised 30% of the Athens-Clarke County population (Athens-Clarke County Unified Government). During the most recent Presidential Preference Primary in March 2024, participation among college students was dismal with Clarke County reportin on only 11% turnout  (The Red & Black). This phenomenon contributes to an overall low level of political efficacy both in Athens-Clarke County and across the country. Two barriers thatmay hinder college students from exercising their right to vote are residency and identification requirements. Legal ambiguities about residency requirements have led to confusion among students and voting officials. This has resulted in inconsistencies in procedures for registration across the U.S. Some districts require identification with a current address or a utility bill, both of which are nearly impossible to produce while living in student housing (Hanmer and Jackson). 

In contrast, Turkey has not experienced the same low turnout rate for college-aged citizens. In the 2015 elections, 18-30 year olds made up around 30% of the electorate, while the United States typically experiences . Kayaoğlu  (2016) finds that higher levels of youth education greatly contributes to Turkey’s large voter turnout. Turkey also excels in voter mobilization, as inaccessible polling places are made attainable through intrinsic interpersonal compassion, with citizens carrying their peers with disabilities to vote. 

Another factor that contributes greatly to the low turnout rate in the U.S. is the presence of systemic barriers that disproportionately affect BIPOC communities. The gap between the voting rates of white and non-white eligible voters has grown from 6.3% in 2020 to 8.6% in 2022 (Brennan Center). The factors perpetuating this gap include the passage of restrictive voting bills in recent years across the country, including the Georgia S.B. 202, which prevents “line relief” and imposes training requirements for poll watchers and stricter voter ID requirements for voters (GPB). One reason the impact of voting laws is disproportionate is the lack of language access for voters with low English proficiency, who may be unable to complete a ballot application correctly and completely. Emly Previti, PBS writes that in 2020, Pennsylvania housed over 110,000 people eligible to vote but had limited English proficiency (WHYY PBS). Similarly, this population may be more likely to have their ballots rejected because of their low English proficiency or have trouble registering to vote initially. Together, all of these barriers lead to greater political discouragement and perpetuate a cycle of political apathy among BIPOC communities. 

Turkey’s high level of political participation is somewhat of an anomaly, as democracy prevails in the face of authoritarianism. Currently, the Justice and Development Party (AKP) has consistently held power, and even still, citizens support the opposing party – the Republican People’s Party – despite the odds being against them. Since coming into power in 2002, the AKP has held and won parliamentary elections to keep its officials in power. The AKP’s values are closely intertwined with religion, often prevalent through its political decisions (Yeşlida). Turkey’s democratic system, in this way, is far from perfect. Its citizens have experienced intimidation at polling places and government delegitimization of opposing parties. Despite these challenges, Turkish voters continue to identify with and turn out for opposing parties. 

One outstanding difference between Turkey and the United States is that Turkish citizens experience fewer voting barriers, and their citizens accept the results of democratic elections (Alliance for Securing Democracy). The resulting controversy from the 2022 United States elections is something Turkish citizens haven’t experienced and is a clear indicator of the relative democratic health of both countries. While Turkey hasn’t been immune to political turmoil, its elections have remained free in ballot applications, polling place availability, and language access. When examining Turkish voter participation in the 2011 parliamentary election, Akarca and Tansel found that more names on the ballot reduced voter turnout, and Turkey’s millennial population voted at significantly higher levels than the millennial population of Western countries like the United States. They also found that voters who find the parties on the ballot difficult to identify with are much less likely to vote. One could argue that this may be the case in the United States. Overall, Turkey’s citizens may feel a great level of identification with the parties on the ballot and not experience the same gap in the millennial voter population as the United States.  

So, what lessons can be learned from proven practices in Turkey to increase voter turnout in the US? One major takeaway is that there must be more legislation to remove long-standing barriers to participating in our democratic system. This could be done by offering applications and voting information in multiple languages and increasing the number of polling places in communities with disproportionate access. Furthermore, creating straightforward registration and absentee voting processes consistent across the country is essential. 

The right and ability to vote is paramount to civil liberties in any country, and its diminishment threatens the future of democratic systems. Turkey’s astonishing election turnout offers some insight into how to increase participation in the United States. Increasing accessibility for each citizen and standardized election procedures are paramount to bringing voters out to the polls.

Photo Credit: https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2023/5/15/turkeys-election-likely-heading-to-run-off-erdogan-has-the-edge

Edition 8: April 22-28

Upcoming

North Macedonia

North Macedonia will be holding their first round presidential election on April 24. There are seven candidates running for the position, but the most notable are Stevo Pendarovski, the incumbent president vying for a second term, and Gordana Siljanovska Davkova, who lost the 2019 presidential election to Pendarovski. The other candidates span a wide range of political ideologies, including two ethnically Albanian candidates, a significant minority in North Macedonia.

The major issues at stake are membership to the European Union, corruption, and fighting crime. North Macedonia has been a candidate to join the EU since 2005, previously barred by Greece due to a controversy over the country’s name. Now, membership is being blocked by Bulgaria, who demands that a Bulgarian minority must be recognized in North Macedonia’s constitution. Pendarovski’s official position is that European integration is necessary for North Macedonia’s future, and he publicly supports the constitutional change. Siljanovska Davkova is more euroskeptical, calling for heavy EU reform prior to joining, while maintaining public neutrality on the constitutional changes. 

The president of North Macedonia is a largely ceremonial role, only responsible for appointing judges to the nation’s constitutional and supreme courts. An eventual victory by Pendarovski could see North Macedonia move closer towards EU membership, strengthening the bloc’s presence in eastern Europe. With there being a large number of candidates, the election is almost certain to require a runoff, which will be held on May 8, the same day as North Macedonia’s parliamentary elections. 

Recaps

Croatia

Thursday, April 18th, Andrej Plencovíc came forth to announce that the HDZ had won the largest number of seats in parliament, 60, and would soon start negotiating with smaller parties for a coalition group. The Social Democratic Party (SDP) came short with 42 seats, a disappointing loss for the group in the context of Milancovíc’s efforts to be the prime minister candidate. There was an increased voter turnout by almost 15% compared to the last election in 2020. The SDP official representative, Pedja Grbin, expressed disappointment for the loss on Wednesday.

Since there is no set coalition, Croatia can look forward to a period of uncertainty for the foreseeable future. The competing far-right party, Homeland Movement, won 14 seats, potentially taking away seats that may have made this election more competitive between the HDZ and SDP. They have been clear in their indecisive nature when it comes to joining in coalition with either of the two larger parties, so we can expect the HDZ to take the next few months to form their coalition government that will be in power for the next four years. 

Ecuador

The night of the 21st, the Ecuadoran electoral authority declared an early victory, despite only 20% of votes being counted, claiming that the pattern of results was irreversible. President Daniel Noboa took to X that Sunday evening to rejoice in the early victory of the referendum results. There was overwhelming approval for the nine referendum questions concerning tightening security, but this was not true for the remaining two concerning the economy. This will now entail Noboa releasing the army to fight gangs, which will lessen the obstacles to extradite accused criminals—raising humanitarian concerns—and lengthen the sentences for detained drug traffickers. 

It’s important to note that these proposals go against the Ecuadorian Constitution, so it will require a final vote to approve the changes, and they would then be codified in the official registry. There is no timeline present for when this will happen. Analysts believe if Noboa doesn’t quickly take action with the approved referendum polls, the momentum and approval he’s accumulated will dilute. He has taken a similar model of combatting state violence to President Nayib Bukele, which may ensure his reelection next year.

Maldives

The Maldives held parliamentary elections on April 21. Although results are still preliminary, President Mohamed Muizzu’s party, the People’s National Congress, swept the elections, winning over 70 seats of the 93-seat People’s Majlis. The Maldivian Democratic Party, which has dominated Maldivian politics for most of this century, lost nearly 50 seats. The MDP has been in disarray since losing the 2023 presidential election to Muizzu. 

Muizzu’s presidency has been defined by his relationship with China. Muizzu reversed many pro-Indian policies, including asking Indian security forces to leave the Maldives, and he has expressed interest in furthering investment from China through the Belt and Road Initiative. This election contributes to the widening geopolitical struggle between India and China, which has been the key issue in many 2024 Indo-Pacific elections, including the Maldives and India.

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Edition 7: April 15-21

Upcoming

India

On Friday, April 19th, all 543 seats of the Lok Sabha parliament will begin statewide elections, which will elect the next prime minister. This election will bring over 900 million people to the polls, expected to be the most expensive in Indian history as millions of polling stations will be transported across the country. The election will take place over seven weeks, with the results being finalized on June 4th. 

The current prime minister, Narendra Modi, was elected in 2014 and won his 2019 reelection by a landslide with his development and anti-corruption campaigns. Modi and his Bharatiya Janata Party have used Hindu nationalism to gain large public support in the predominantly Hindu northern states. The main rival to the BJP is the Indian National Developmental Inclusive Alliance, which is predominantly made up of the Indian National Congress, with the key goal of denying Modi a third term. The INC has claimed that the BJP attempted to suppress them, as their bank accounts were frozen last month. 

The BJP is attempting to increase its support in southern India during this election cycle as it continues to grow its nationalistic rhetoric. Modi’s “Hindu-first” policies, such as renaming Muslim-named cities, demolishing Islamic monuments, and rewriting history books, have left Muslim Indians feeling like second class citizens. Under Modi’s government, civil liberties, such as the right to protest and freedom of speech, have been threatened. 

Despite these issues of civil liberties, Modi’s BJP will likely maintain their majority, securing him a third term as prime minister. Modi is predicted to continue his foreign policy efforts of asserting India as a geopolitical competitor to the United States and China by better supporting the Pacific Island nations and the Indian Ocean countries. Domestically, Modi will likely continue to empower the Hindu majority and increase manufacturing as India has emerged as a direct competitor to China in the international economic production sector. 

Ecuador

This upcoming Sunday, April 21st, Ecuadorians will have the opportunity to participate in a vote on constitutional changes proposed by President Daniel Noboa of Acción Democrática Nacional. These changes result from the newly elected President’s efforts to expand the country’s police and military power in an effort to dismantle gang groups he designates as terrorists. This referendum comes as an attempt to reform the constitution in an era where a growing conflict is emerging between government forces and criminal gangs. Two large gangs -the Choleros and the Lobos- collaborate with neighboring gangs in Mexico and Colombia for drug trafficking supply activities. They have been escalating their violent crimes as a result of a territory war, including decapitations, dismemberments, and attacks on journalists and politicians. There has been a large dissatisfaction with the enjoyment of social rights, leading to a mass movement of Ecuadorians towards the North. 

In January 2024, President Noboa began mobilizing his efforts to strengthen security measures, and he declared a state of emergency later in the month due to a gang-related crime. A turning point for Noboa’s efforts came when a gunman entered a TV station and murdered a presidential candidate in January. The 11 topics that the citizens of Ecuador will vote on Sunday involve manners such as stricter gun laws in areas surrounding prisons and longer prison sentencing for organized crime offenses. The wake of the coronavirus is said to be a contributing factor to the rise of violent crimes committed, even within the prisons. Noboa is fighting for the intervention of armed forces against organized crime and the creation of a stronger justice system resulting in fair prison convictions. President Noboa’s efforts with this referendum allow the citizens of Ecuador to impose longer prison sentences for more serious crimes, such as homicide and arms trafficking. If the voter turnout is in favor of Noboa’s propositions, there will be a large movement of militarization in Ecuador to eradicate all organized crime groups from the state and allow for economic and social growth. 

Croatia

This Wednesday, April 17th, all 151 Parliamentary seats in Croatia will be open, and with the majority or coalition of other parties, the next prime minister will be appointed. President Zoran Milanović announced the election shortly before declaring his candidacy for the position as a member of the Social Democratic Party. Despite it being unlawful for an acting president to be elected as prime minister, Milanović has dismissed this concern due to suspected corruption from current Prime Minister Andrej Plenković of the Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ). The HDZ has ruled 26 of 32 years since Croatia separated from former Yugoslavia, beginning as an ethno-nationalist Croatian party and evolving into a center-right wing Pro-European party. 

The HDZ has been swamped with corruption scandals, which has produced concerns from left and right-wing groups. Milancović has voiced the concern of many left and right-wing groups on HDZ, and Plencović appointed Ivan Turdić as attorney general despite his ties to corrupt figures. This raises many concerns for the potential reelection of Plencović, because the prime minister is responsible for the national agenda and appoints Cabinet members. This year has been dubbed as a super-election year, with the presidential elections planned for the latter part of 2024. Although presidential powers are mainly ceremonial, they allow propositions for amendments and calls to parliament. The parliamentary seats that are open for election this week will be voted in by a majority, or coalition of other parties, to appoint the next prime minister. Polls reveal that the HDZ may take the majority of votes, but it is unclear what parties and candidates smaller groups will lean to support. If the rivaling far-right party, the Homeland Movement, gains support from left and center groups, it may impact the chances of the HDZ and Social Democrats securing the seat.

Solomon Islands

Solomon Islanders will soon head to the polls to elect the 50 members of the national legislature. Elections were originally slated for 2023, but Prime Minister Manasseh Sogavare delayed them until 2024, raising red flags within the international community. The Solomon Islands have a very weak party system, with parties being created and dissolved frequently between elections and many candidates running as independents. As a result, politicians must form coalitions to govern, with Sogavare leading the current ruling coalition and Matthew Wale leading the opposition coalition, the Coalition for Accountability Reform and Empowerment (CARE).

These elections are key to determining the foreign policy direction of the Solomon Islands. Under Sogavare’s rule, the Solomon Islands withdrew its recognition of Taiwan and signed a security pact with the People’s Republic of China, straining relations with the United States. Several candidates are campaigning to end the security pact with China, with some favoring closer ties with Australia and New Zealand, and others favoring strengthening relations with the US. The US has expressed concerns of increased cooperation between the Chinese military and police in the Solomon Islands, believing that this could lead to the establishment of a Chinese military base on the islands. 

Overall, these elections are vital for the people of the Solomon Islands to express their views on the foreign policy direction of the country. The elections will also be a major test to the government’s ability to handle political change, regional divide, and corruption.

The Maldives

The Maldives will be holding legislative elections for their parliament, the Maldivian People’s Council. Currently, the Maldivian Democratic Party holds 65 out of 87 seats, but this is likely to decrease dramatically, as the party has been increasingly fractured since losing the 2023 presidential election. That election, which saw Mohamed Muizzu become president, cemented the People’s National Congress as a strong contender for these 2024 legislative elections. Muizzu’s presidency has seen a foreign policy shift towards China and away from India, with Muizzu asking all Indian soldiers to leave the Maldives. 

This election, similar to that of the Solomon Islands, is an important time for the electorate to voice their opinions on foreign policy. The Pacific/Indian Ocean region is torn between China, the United States, and India, who all are vying for geopolitical influence in smaller island nations. Politicians in the Maldives are split on these regional allegiances, all while trying to fight the effects of climate change, which has already had perilous effects on the nation. 

Recap

South Korea

South Korea held its legislative elections on April 10, resulting in a crushing defeat of incumbent-president Yoon Suk Yeol’s People Power Party. The PPP, which narrowly won the 2022 presidential election while holding a minority in the National Assembly, lost six seats, while the main opposition parties, the Democratic Party and the Rebuilding Korea Party, gained 19 and 11 seats, respectively. These parties campaigned against Yoon’s economic policies as president, which they claim have caused massive rises in food prices, using green onions as an electoral symbol.

Yoon is now left with an even more hostile legislature for his last three years as president, leaving him little room to carry out any domestic policies included in his campaign. He does still maintain power over foreign policy, which he has used to continue strengthening security deals with the United States and Japan.

Photo Credit: https://apnews.com/article/india-election-modi-bjp-democracy-8998fe6aba5fa26debc0f82c4e2ccf69

When the Apartheid regime in South Africa began to crumble in the 1990s, the world became hopeful for a peaceful, democratic transition and for many years it looked to be a success. In 1994, South Africa elected Nelson Mandela as president, and Mandela’s African National Congress entered into power. The ANC had been instrumental in pushing for reform since the 1960s while Mandela was in prison for over thirty years. Its first years in government were full of activism and determination to undo the damage that the Apartheid regime had done to black South Africans. The ANC government worked to racially integrate all sectors of life, to encourage voter participation, and to increase confidence in the government. The late 1990s saw South Africa prosper and quickly grow into one of Africa’s strongest economies. This success culminated in the awarding of the 2010 FIFA World Cup to South Africa in 2004. The Apartheid regime had brought global criticism and sanctions on South Africa and the hosting of the World Cup was the ANC’s way to show the world that progress and massive political change was possible for Africa. 

While the World Cup gave the world a renewed vision of South Africa and Africa as a whole, the situation in South Africa was not as bright as it seemed. As early as 1998, warning flags were already raised regarding South Africa’s energy infrastructure. The country’s power grid was largely constructed to support the white minority under the Apartheid regime, and, due to South Africa’s quickly growing population, the grid reached maximum capacity in 2007. 

Despite nine years of warning, the ANC-led government did not consider energy infrastructure a priority, leaving the state-owned energy company, Eskom, to fend for itself. Once the ANC began trying to build new power stations, the projects were deeply flawed, with overspending, delays and corruption allowing little progress. Under President Jacob Zuma, infrastructure contracts and leadership positions were handed out to friends, political allies, and prominent businessmen, causing further losses and setbacks. At one point, it was estimated that Eskom was losing $50 million every month due to theft. Ever since, the South African people have suffered the consequences of this corruption through “load shedding,” or planned energy blackouts designed to conserve power, often lasting for multiple hours per day.

 Load shedding has continued to increase under the current president, Cyril Ramaphosa, as it becomes clear that the ANC has become unable to manage South Africa’s energy sector. Now water infrastructure is beginning to fail. South Africans are facing water shortages, dubbed “water shedding,” at unprecedented levels, leading to energy and water security being a top concern for South Africans (Afrobarometer). Despite these failings and increasing corruption, the ANC continues to hold a strong grip on South African politics, as it repeatedly touts its role in ending Apartheid. This lack of a political party transition has raised questions about South Africa’s democratic strength.

Today, energy, water and governance crises have brought South Africa to a crossroads. The South African people overwhelmingly view the country as moving in the wrong direction, which comes after decades of ANC rule. Voters are becoming increasingly apathetic towards, and mistrustful of the government, and are looking for leaders that will solve South Africa’s extensive problems. On May 29, 2024, voters will go to the polls in the country’s general elections. While the ANC will likely retain its plurality, its vote share is projected to dip below 50% for the first time in South Africa’s modern democratic history, forcing the once overwhelmingly popular party to rule through a coalition (Wits). The ANC hopes to win back support before the election by finally making progress on the energy crisis, namely by allowing private companies to produce power to be distributed through Eskom’s networks. This policy shift could help both increase power supply and move towards renewable energy sources.

South Africa has had a turbulent 30 years of democracy. The ANC’s rule began in 1994 full of hope and progress, winning decisively in the 1990s and early 2000s. The party however, has fallen into mismanagement and corruption, allowing little progress to be made in South Africa over the past decade. The 2024 elections could end the ANC’s one-party rule, opening the country up to alternative viewpoints to address South Africa’s systemic problems.

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