What Are Nonprofits?

Nonprofits play an important role in every city, often working behind the scenes to support community welfare. In fact, nonprofits tend to do a lot more behind the scenes than we realize. So what are they? Nonprofits are organizations that do not generate or distribute profits to shareholders or individuals. They serve the public good in various ways and include charitable organizations, religious organizations, homeowners associations, and labor unions among many others. The most impactful types of nonprofits are public charities, also known as charitable nonprofits. These are nonprofits that promote social welfare, private foundations, and religious organizations. 

In Georgia, there are approximately four nonprofits for every thousand people. Though nonprofits tend to be concentrated in larger cities, where more people live, many focus on improving conditions in rural areas in the state. Overall, 1.3 million charitable nonprofits serve their communities across the United States. In Athens alone, 1,390 nonprofits generate over two billion dollars in revenue each year. Some of the most influential nonprofits in Athens include Project Safe Inc, Athens-Oconee CASA, the Athens Area Humane Society, Books for Keeps, and the Jeannette Rankin Women’s Scholarship Fund. Additionally, Athens has a community foundation dedicated to raising and managing funds for local charities and foundations.

Community foundations have a vital role in managing nonprofit donations in cities with a high number of charitable organizations. A community foundation in Athens was established in 2008, and in less than 20 years, the Athens Area Community Foundation has grown to oversee 293 funds and manage $32 million in grants. The foundation does this by connecting donors with nonprofits and working with advisors to create donation plans. Furthermore, The Foundation connects donors with causes that align with their philanthropic goals. They help donors who wish to contribute broadly, support a specific cause, or direct their funds to a designated foundation. 

Why Are Nonprofits Needed?

Nonprofits bridge  the gap between what the government provides and what citizens can provide for themselves. In addition to services like providing food or donating books, nonprofits employ 12.8 million people nationwide and significantly impact the economy. More importantly, These nonprofits support human rights and health. One way they do this is through advocacy as an intermediary between individuals with fewer resources and the government sector. Nonprofits are essential to addressing community-specific needs that the broad federal government cannot identify. This includes overarching goals like human rights and welfare which are best addressed through localized, community-driven efforts that understand the unique challenges and cultural contexts of the people they serve. 

A major example of the influence of nonprofits is in the healthcare sector. Over half of the hospitals in the U.S. are nonprofit. Research from the National Institute of Health indicates that communities with strong nonprofit networks experience better community health including lower illness rates and higher infant health and mental health levels. Athens is no exception. In Athens, Piedmont Athens Regional Medical Center is nearly entirely funded by community grants. Over 2023, the hospital had 21,900 in-patient admissions and 82,046 out-patient ER visits. This means in 2023, the hospital helped patients over 100,000 times – making Piedmont hospital a crucial resource for people in the Athens area. Public hospitals are important examples of how public-serving nonprofits play a major role in nearly every American’s life.

What can we do better?

Despite their significance, support for nonprofits has been decreasing. In 1980, 85% of Americans donated to charitable causes, but that number has since fallen to 50%. Additionally, only 33% of Americans believe that nonprofits contribute to society. While many people favor the idea of giving to charitable nonprofits, fewer are actively donating. A major factor in this decline is a lack of awareness: one study reported that 62.6% of people had little to no knowledge of nonprofits while only 1.5% considered themselves experts. Furthermore, although nearly 10% of Americans work for nonprofits, only about 5% of Americans believe that nonprofits have benefitted themselves or someone in their family directly. Because many people don’t understand the extent to which nonprofits benefit society and themselves, they are often reluctant to donate. This hurts both the economy and nonprofits’ ability to respond to disasters, provide resources, and promote healthcare. 

Addressing this issue starts with education and engagement. In Athens, college students can volunteer, spread awareness, and support local nonprofits. Additionally, college students everywhere can look into supporting their local community foundations. Support from university students in Athens will bring stronger statewide and national support for the Athens Area Community Foundation. This can be done through social media outreach, University-led initiatives, and collaboration with organizations on the UGA’s campus. By increasing community involvement, Athens residents, whether temporary or lifelong, can help grow the nonprofit sector, ensuring that these organizations can continue to serve those in need.

Young people have consistently voted at lower turnouts. For instance, in the 2016 election, only 48% of college students voted at the polls. This rate was notably lower than the national average of 61%

However, historically, college students have been at the forefront of many important political and social movements. The famous lunch counter sit-ins to protest against racial segregation that spread across the U.S. in the 1960s began with four young college students in North Carolina. Across the world after the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989, college students in Czechoslovakia helped lead massive protests that led to the end of the state’s communist government and the election of a new president. Furthermore, during the 1960s, U.S. college students made up a large portion of protestors against the Vietnam War, and demonstrations occurred on campuses throughout the entire nation.

Gen Z, born in the late 1990s and early 2000s, is no exception to the trend of college students engaging in political and social activism. Many in this generation seem more passionate than ever regarding climate change, economic inequality, political division, and more. In fact, 70% of Gen Z is involved in some sort of political or social cause, and they are the age group most likely to boycott products, companies, countries, and states. 

As the younger generation increasingly distrusts the formal political system, which may help to explain their low voting turnout, they have turned towards alternative methods of engaging in the democratic process like protests, boycotts, and petitions. Those methods are nothing new–but many of these means of engaging in social justice now heavily involve and rely upon social media. Platforms like Twitter, TikTok, and Instagram are commonly used to organize various protests, and these digital platforms are used to generate momentum for worldwide protests, such as the Black Lives Matter movement. 

As a BBC article about Gen Z and social activism explains, “And although they are far from the first generation who’ve spoken up about injustice… technology has meant Gen Z’s activism looks different than the movements of the past – which means their influence may be, too.” Gen Z is constantly exposed to social crises and issues through social media sites, which has instilled a sense of anxiety and urgency in the generation. The same article states that because “young people can’t turn away from the discourse …it’s no wonder that many digital native Gen Zers are spurred to act on their societal grievances.” This desire to make an impact is seen on UGA’s campus through various political student organizations, such as the Young Democrats of UGA and the College Republicans at UGA.

Interviews with the heads of both student organizations showcased their perspectives on the best ways to engage in political activism. Yasmine Sabere, the President of Young Democrats of UGA, described how her organization hosts a multitude of speakers, engages in community service, educates members about Athens issues, guides students on voter registration, and posts statements on major political issues, such as the overturning of Roe v. Wade. On a personal level, Sabere protested for Palestine in Athens and even spoke at a demonstration. Sabere believes that these on-campus protests created an affirming space on campus for Muslim, Arab, and Palestinian students who did not feel that the UGA administration was acknowledging their grief. Sabere believes that the negative and repressive responses to pro-Palestine protests, especially by the older generation, are signs that the activism is indeed sparking a change. She believes that the “suppression around our voices” affirms that the protests are making a difference, even if the impact is not immediate.

 Luke Winkler, the Chairman of College Republicans at UGA, also shared some insight on the activism of this student organization. He explained that the group mainly focuses on bringing in guest speakers, such as politicians Mike Collins and Andrew Clyde. Winkler believes that students who attend these events become more educated on political issues and have the opportunity to engage in civil discourse. Regarding protests on college campuses, he stated, “I personally don’t see…how effective [protesting] is,” although he emphasized that everyone has a right to do so. 

In discussing the use of social media with political activism, Winkler and Sabere had differing views. Winkler stated that “it can be helpful…but people rarely engage in civil discourse and good conversation on social media” while Sabere believes that “social media is an incredible tool for social activism.” However, she acknowledged how performative activism can arise “when people don’t know a lot about the cause and are reposting something for their own personal benefit.”

One second-year student at UGA, Zeid Amer, is very passionate about social activism on social media. Amer continuously advocates for Palestine on Instagram and hopes that he may inspire others to do the same. However, he also acknowledges the potential problem of performative activism, explaining that people “must make sure that Palestine is not forgotten in a world where social issues are trends and forgotten the very next day.” 

College students, on both sides of the political spectrum, are continuing the political activism work that past generations have begun. Both Winkler and Sabere agree that UGA has many opportunities to become involved in political and social activism, and that simply seeking out opportunities and organizations is an excellent way to begin.

Photo Credit: https://lavocedinewyork.com/en/lifestyles/2024/04/15/younger-generations-speak-out-on-climate-change-action-now/

Image by Athens Politics Nerd

Establishing the SPLOST

The Georgia State Legislature enacted the County Special Purpose Local Option Sales Tax in 1985. This allowed for local governments to implement an optional 1% sales tax on all goods that are subject to the state sales tax. Essentially, for every dollar spent on an item subject to the tax, one penny goes toward SPLOST. Revenue generated by this small tax goes toward public works projects and infrastructure improvements that are not funded by property taxes. SPLOST funds are funneled into cultural, recreational, and historical capital outlay projects, as well as fire and police stations and vehicles. 

Implementing the SPLOST and projects first begins with the call for a SPLOST referendum by the county election superintendent. Following this, all of the municipalities within the county must meet and discuss the possible projects. Once the list of proposed projects has been compiled by the board of commissioners, the board must adopt a resolution that calls for the implementation of a tax. The resolution must include a list of all projects to be funded, listed with their estimated cost, and the time period that the tax will be implemented. Finally, once this resolution is adopted, the county voters must approve the resolution calling for the tax through a simple majority referendum. 

What is taxed?

Everything that is subject to the state sales tax is included in the SPLOST.  However, this sales tax also applies to food, non-alcoholic beverages, and motor fuels, which are not subject to the state sales tax.

Local Benefits

A 1% sales tax is considered a simple and fair solution, benefiting local communities without harming taxpayers. Essentially, SPLOST relieves pressure from local residents and property owners in Athens. Athens-Clarke County also exhibits a high volume of visitors whose purchases are subject to the sales tax, providing further relief for local taxpayers. 

SPLOST Projects

Earlier SPLOST projects are now an essential part of Athens-Clarke County. Thanks to SPLOST funding, many Parks and recreational facilities have been renovated to ensure Athens recreational infrastructure is sound. Walker Park, a 113-acre park with walking and biking trails, sports fields, a playground, and picnic shelters, was financed by the SPLOST and completed in 2013. Public infrastructure projects such as The Athens Courthouse parking deck have been financed by SPLOST, along with improvements to the Athens Regional Library and storm drainage systems. SPLOST also finances improvements to roads and bridges, including the construction of Epps Bridge Parkway, which connects Athens to State Route 316. Public safety equipment and administrative facilities are also financed by this tax. 

The most recent SPLOST project list, approved in 2020, can be found here. The Classic Center Arena Project, which will create a new 5,000-seat assembly space for the public, is expected to generate $33 million in revenue per year, stimulating the Athens economy and providing new jobs. There are a total of 37 projects, including the Animal Shelter Improvements Project, the East Side Public Library Project, and the Airport Capital Improvements Project, all with varying budgets. The 2020 SPLOSt is also moving in the direction of sustainability, taking financial steps towards using 100% renewable energy.

Association County Commissioners of Georgia. 2016. “Special Purpose Local Option Sales Tax: A Guide for County Officials.” ACCG. Accessed October 24, 2023. https://www.accg.org/library/legal/SPLOST%202016.pdf

Athens-Clarke County Unified Government. “SPLOST: Athens-Clarke County, GA – Official Website.” SPLOST | Athens-Clarke County, GA – Official Website, 2020. https://www.accgov.com/946/SPLOST.

Athens-Clarke County Unified Government. “Projects 1-15: Athens-Clarke County, GA – Official Website.” Projects 1-15 | Athens-Clarke County, GA – Official Website. Accessed October 25, 2023. https://www.accgov.com/2159/Projects-1-15#3.

Dowd, Chris. 2019. “SPLOST 2020 Passes.” Athens Politics Nerd. Accessed October 24, 2023. https://athenspoliticsnerd.com/splost-2020-passes/. 

A discussion of the Athens-Clarke County government structure and functions, key roles, and institutions.

The Mayor – https://www.accgov.com/DocumentCenter/View/43085/Qualifications-for-ACC-Mayor

Qualifications

In order to qualify as a candidate for mayor, the individual must be at least 21-years old, have resided in Athens-Clarke County for at least one year before the date of the election and continue to reside in Athens-Clarke County for the duration of their term. The candidate must also be a registered voter in Athens-Clarke County and, if elected, cannot hold another local, state, or federal office during their term. 

Election, Term, Salary

According to the Athens-Clarke County government website, the mayor is elected by county constituents for four-year terms and can serve a maximum of two consecutive terms. Similar to the Georgia state legislature, the mayor position is not meant to be a full-time job, and the mayor is compensated with an annual salary of $45,000. The salary is not fixed and can be adjusted. If an increase is approved, the new salary does not take place until the next election cycle. 

Roles

The mayor’s key roles include setting Commission meeting agendas, recommending candidates for the Athens-Clarke County positions of manager, attorney, Municipal Court judge, and internal auditor; and presenting the budget. The mayor also has the sole power to issue proclamations, which can serve to acknowledge painful histories like Linnetown and recognize observation days and weeks like “World Peace Week”. 

Among one of the most important of these roles is the mayor’s recommendation for the Athens-Clarke County Manager. The Manager is the highest position in Athens-Clarke County’s executive branch, though not the most visible. 

The Commission – https://www.accgov.com/DocumentCenter/View/43084/Qualifications-for-ACC-Commission

Qualifications

Candidates for commissioner must be at least 21 years old at the time of their candidacy, be a registered voter in Athens-Clarke County, have had residency in the Athens-Clarke County district they are running for at least one year and, if elected, continue to reside in that district for the duration of their term. 

Election, Term, Salary

There are currently 10 commissioners who represent the 10 districts in Athens-Clarke County; the commissioners have 4-year terms and are compensated with a $15,000 annual salary. Like the mayor, the role of commissioner is meant to be part-time, though commissioners may not hold additional office in local, state, or federal government during their term. The salary is not fixed and can be adjusted. If an increase is approved, the new salary does not take place until the next election cycle. 

Powers

Though many of the roles of commissioners intersect with the mayor and manager, there are some that stay specific to the jurisdiction of the commissioners. Of these, the commission has the important power of adopting (and when necessary) amending the budget proposal put forth by the mayor. The commissioners also reserve the right to approve or reject mayoral recommendations for manager, attorney, and auditor. A simple majority vote can remove the manager, attorney, and auditor from office. The commission also appoints and outlines the duty of the clerk of commission and can terminate the clerk of commission at any time with a simple majority vote. 

The commission is empowered by a broad definition of its legislation-making powers; the commission is allowed to make rules, resolutions, and ordinances “…as may be necessary or proper…for the promotion and protection of the safety, health, peace, security and general welfare of the inhabitants of [Athens-Clarke County]…” (ACC). The commission’s enforcement is the power to issue fines up to $1,000, imprisonment up to six months, or both punishments. 

With some exceptions—boards and authorities created by Constitutional amendment or local act of the Georgia General Assembly—the commission is also permitted to rewrite the roles, powers, qualifications, and terms of bureaus, boards, commissions, departments, divisions, authorities, offices, and agencies under the Athens-Clarke County government. The commission may reassign deleted/replaced roles to other departments in the Athens-Clarke County system. 

In the instance of a vacant commission seat, the seat may be filled by a vote from the remaining commissioners—simple majority. 

Organization

7 out of 10 commissioners must be present at a commission meeting in order for the agenda to be valid; all meetings are open to the public, minus exceptions outlined in general law.

The Manager – https://library.municode.com/GA/athens-clarke_county/codes/code_of_ordinances?nodeId=PTICH_ARTIVAD_CH1OF_S4-101MAAPQUCO

Qualifications

Unlike the mayor and commission, the manager is a full-time role. A candidate for manager cannot be considered if they held an elective office in Athens-Clarke County; they are only eligible if two years pass following their former office. The manager may not engage in political activity and cannot qualify for any other Athens-Clarke County office for one year following the end of their term as manager. Though the manager does not need to be an Athens-Clarke County resident at the time of their appointment, they must establish residence within 6 months following their appointment and continue to reside in Athens-Clarke County for the duration of their term.

Election, Term, Salary

Candidates for manager must be recommended by the mayor and elected by a simple majority from the commission. If confirmed by the commission, the manager serves a single two-year term. According to Savannah Morning News, the current Athens-Clarke County Manager is paid an annual salary of $184,203. Salaries are fixed by ordinance, meaning, the salary is under the jurisdiction of Athens-Clarke County lawmaking bodies. 

Powers

The manager is primarily responsible for overseeing the various departments and agencies of Athens-Clarke County government, for appointing and removing department heads, preparing the annual budget with the department heads for approval by the mayor, advising the commission of Athens-Clarke County finances, creating inspection reports about the departments, offices, and agencies for the commission, and most importantly, implementing administrative standards to be followed by all divisions and authorities in Athens-Clarke County government.

The manager has the sole power of managing employees, and the mayor and commission are not allowed to interfere with management unless there are investigative purposes. The manager is the bridge between the mayor/commission and the rest of the government!

The Attorney

Qualifications

The attorney must be an active member of the State Bar of Georgia.

Election, Term, Salary

Similar to the appointment of the manager, the mayor recommends an attorney candidate to the commission, and the attorney is appointed with a simple majority vote. The attorney serves a two-year term and can serve a second term unless removed by the commission through a majority vote. The current attorney’s annual salary is $152,213 and is established by ordinance. 

Role

The attorney serves as legal counsel to the Athens-Clarke County government. 

The Internal Auditor – https://library.municode.com/GA/athens-clarke_county/ordinances/code_of_ordinances?nodeId=719570

Qualifications

Not listed in ACC charter

Election, Term, Salary

Similar to the appointment of the manager, the mayor recommends an attorney candidate to the commission, and the attorney is appointed with a simple majority vote. The attorney serves a two-year term and can serve a second term unless removed by the commission through a majority vote. The internal auditor’s estimated annual salary is $130,000.

Role

The internal auditor is tasked with conducting an evolving inspection “…of the fiscal affairs and operations of every department, office, and agency of the Athens-Clarke County government.”

How the legislative and executive branches work together:

The mayor and commission often work together to identify candidates for the manager, attorney, and internal auditor positions; a majority commission vote is required to appoint a candidate as manager, attorney, or internal auditor. Additionally, in the case of a 5-5 tie, the mayor is the tie-breaking vote. Beyond these cases, the mayor is not allowed to hold voting power in commission votes. 

The mayor shares the power of calling special meetings with the commission, which requires the agreement of 5 commissioners. Notice of special meetings must be given to commissioners no less than 24 hours before the meeting. 

Similar to the U.S. legislature, the Commission can check some mayoral powers. As outlined in above sections, the Commission reserves the right to appoint or reject appointments of the manager, attorney, and internal auditor, as well as remove these actors from office with a majority vote. Additionally, the Commission can override a mayor’s veto with agreement from 7 commissioners.

As for the relationship between the mayor, Commission, and Manager, Athens-Clarke County commission meeting agendas are set by the mayor with input about agenda items from the commission, manager, and the public. 

The mayor and manager also work together to present the annual budget to the commission. The manager works with all department and agency heads to create a budget that encompasses the departments’ needs and sends this budget for the Mayor’s approval. The commission then votes to reject, modify, or implement the proposal.

The Judicial Branch – https://athenspoliticsnerd.com/local-government/

The Athens-Clarke County judicial system operates broadly under the Manager but is led by the District Attorney, who handles all felony cases, and the Solicitor General, who handles all misdemeanor cases. Different courts hold different jurisdictions.

Municipal Court

The Municipal Court handles traffic offenses and minor misdemeanors

Magistrate Court

The Magistrate Court handles civil claims, bond hearings, evictions, and abandoned vehicles. 

Probate Court

The Probate Court handles everything else outside of the Municipal and Magistrate Courts’ jurisdiction.

Superior Court

The Superior Court justices are elected; there are four justices. This court handles state felonies and can take cases to the state judicial system.

State Court

The State Court handles misdemeanors and can take cases to the state judicial system.

This article was originally published in GPR’s Spring 2017 Magazine

The intersection of Washington and Hull streets in downtown Athens seems to many to be just another corner with its own set of bars and restaurants. Though many students proclaim themselves to be true Athenians, few know about the prolific history of this intersection and the impact it continues to have on the city. This spot is the epicenter for the “Hot Corner,” a community of historically black businesses and a cultural hub for Athens’ black residents. The Hot Corner’s history has reflected the changing social landscape of Athens since the 19th century, and today plays a very unique role in promoting an atmosphere of diversity and entrepreneurship in the Classic City.

The Hot Corner is a place in Athens where black businesses have traditionally thrived. It is geographically centered at the intersection of Hull and Washington Streets, but its total area really stretches all the way from Lumpkin St. to Milledge Ave.; this space incorporates all of the land where many black businesspeople have owned real estate and started companies. For Athens residents, especially during the mid-20th century, the Hot Corner was not only a business center but also a community space where they could come to socialize and shop in a welcoming setting. The Hot Corner has been the location of 66 catalogued black-owned businesses, and has been an important site for the achievements of black professionals in Georgia.

The Hot Corner has a long and prosperous history in the Classic City. While it has no official beginning, many consider it to have started in the late 19th century. Its beginnings likely coincided with the founding of the First African Methodist Episcopal Church in 1866, which began as a congregation of freed slaves. The group purchased land and had their church built in 1916. This building still stands on N. Hull St, and is a historic black landmark in Athens.

By the time the church was built, another landmark of the Hot Corner had also been established: the Morton Building. The history of the Morton reflects the economic opportunity that the Hot Corner provided for black Athenians during the first half of the 20th century, when segregation was a social norm across the South. In 1910, Monroe B. “Pink” Morton opened the building as both a theatre and an office complex. The building presented a place where black professionals could start their businesses and lease from a black property owner. The Morton has housed a plethora of important local businesses including: the Ellington D. Harris Drug Company, Athens’ first black-owned drug store; the practice of Dr. Ida Mae Hiram, Georgia’s first licensed black female dentist; and the practice of Dr. Blanche Thompson, the first African-American surgeon in Athens. Most locals today know the building for the theatre, which is the oldest African-American owned and built theatre in the United States.

From the 1950s to the 1970s, the Hot Corner played an intrinsic role in the Athens community. According to Mr. Homer Wilson, who runs Wilson’s Styling Shop on N. Hull Street, this thirty-year period was the peak of the Hot Corner’s economic draw. Businesses from all over the state would vie to open up shop on the Hot Corner, and shoppers would go there for the diverse array of stores, services, and products that could be found. It was in downtown Athens that many civil rights demonstrations took place, and many businesses at the intersection of Washington and Hull were important to the cause. Businesses like Mr. Wilson’s shop hosted meetings where local ministers and politicians could plan their campaigns, and provided a place where activists could come to rest and find refreshments during protests.

After the Civil Rights Era, the economic weight that the Hot Corner held in Athens began a slow decline as racial integration took hold across the city. Many black businesses that had originally opened downtown moved out into other areas of Athens. A few of the core buildings at the Hot Corner were torn down, such as the Samaritan Building and Union Hall. More white-owned businesses also began moving in, changing the culture of the area. Today, the culture of west downtown Athens looks quite different than it did 50 years ago. The Hot Corner is now a mix of historically black businesses, like the Morton and Wilson’s Styling Shop, as well as white-owned businesses that cater to more of a student crowd.

In 1999, Mr. Wilson started the Hot Corner Association, which works to promote the history of black entrepreneurship in Athens. The association is comprised of black business owners from Athens, whose companies make up the Hot Corner, and also individuals who are passionate about the history. Every year, the association puts on a weekend-long festival in early June called the Hot Corner Festival, with the goal of keeping alive the spirit of diversity that the Hot Corner has always contributed to Athens. The festival features attractions such as a barbeque competition, a vintage car show, and a concert series comprised of musically diverse acts. Mr. Wilson and the association are now playing a vital role in providing a place where everyone can celebrate the contributions that black Athenians have made to the city, and in keeping the intersection of Washington and Hull a welcoming place for everyone.

The Hot Corner has left an immeasurable impact on the city of Athens, one that many people in the community fail to realize. It provided a much-needed cultural haven for black Athenians for over 100 years, where people could come to shop, socialize, and support their families. It has also been a place where residents could demonstrate their stake in the community and use their influence to push for more rights and protections for the diverse population of the city. Ultimately, the legacy of the Hot Corner is one of empowerment.

This piece was composed with help from Mr. Homer Wilson, who kindly provided information about the history of the Hot Corner.

By Rob Oldham

Open your eyes next time you are north of Broad Street on a Thursday evening. Watch as sweaty Greeks stumble from their socials, nervous freshmen fidget with their fake IDs, and newly-minted binge drinkers hold in their vomit until the next trashcan appears. Under the watchful eyes of homeless panhandlers and hopeless preachers, UGA students are celebrating another successful night downtown, a rite-of-passage that, for better or worse, is ingrained in our university’s culture. Downtown Athens has over 120 establishments that serve alcohol, and “going out” is one of the defining features of the UGA experience. But the students at the bars are much different than the ones on campus. Although it might be difficult for the average bar-goer to pick up on, a sober observer will see that the students who go downtown are disproportionately white.

When Kenny Cochran first came to UGA, older black students told him that “downtown isn’t really the place for us.” Cochran, a senior from Atlanta studying finance and marketing, saw what they meant when he and one of his black friends were turned down from Jerzees Sportsbar for violating the dress code. Cochran had a hood attached to his jacket and his friend was wearing tennis shoes. Later, Cochran saw another one of his black friends turned down by a Silver Dollar bouncer who thought his ID was fake. After Cochran’s friend had the police verify that the ID was legitimate, the bouncer followed him into the bar and forced him to leave.

“The racism is real,” said former UGA student Gary McWhorter. Bouncers target black students (and black people in general) through selective enforcement of dress codes. These codes often single out clothing popular in black culture such as Nike’s Jordan brand sneakers. Bouncers also exclude black patrons by falsely claiming that bars are hosting private events and by enforcing fake ID rules more stringently for blacks. UGA’s Student Government Association (SGA) collected 50 anonymous testimonials last year in which students spoke freely about instances when they had been discriminated against. Most of the accounts were from black students denied entry into bars due to dress codes.

Bars discriminate for a variety of reasons. Athens local Anthony Huff says that it is due to assumptions about class. Bouncers use race and attire to gauge how much money someone will spend inside the bars. This is particularly directed at black locals like Huff who are broadly categorized as “troublemakers.” But black students face similar obstacles. This is partially due to the stereotype that minorities do not drink as much as whites or tip as generously. Bars also try to cater to their target audience (usually white students) and make decisions based on who they think will fit in socially with the majority of bar patrons. UGA’s Greek Life is prominent in much of the downtown scene and, because it is historically white, bars try to be accommodating to that audience, often at the expense of minorities.

Black students have responded to the alleged discrimination by largely ignoring the bar scene. Aja Muray and Jasmine Goolsby are two black students who go downtown occasionally. But they say their behavior is not common among black students at UGA. The black community more often arranges private house parties or kick-backs, where black students may feel more accepted than in downtown.

Addressing bar discrimination is difficult though. For one thing, it is highly uncertain whether Title II of the 1964 Civil Rights Act, which generally bans discrimination in places of public accommodation, applies to bars. It lists “restaurants” as a place of public accommodation, but limits the definition to those “principally engaged in selling food for consumption on the premises.” Several federal courts have ruled in favor of bar owners being sued for discrimination precisely because of this definition. Racial discrimination cannot be addressed at the state level either because Georgia is one of the few states without codified civil rights protections.

Because of the federal and state limitations, a local ordinance would be most palatable. Acting in response to an incident at General Beauregard’s, where an alcoholic beverage was named after a racial slur, the 2015-2016 SGA Cabinet recommended that the Athens-Clarke County Commission pass a nondiscrimination ordinance. County Attorney Bill Berryman drew up a proposal that would make violations of federal, state, and local anti-discrimination laws grounds for the suspension of a liquor license and would also require bars to post their dress codes outside and keep records of private events. Mayor Nancy Denson agreed to discuss the proposal at the Commission’s September 2016 meeting, but then removed it from the agenda due to opposition within the commission. Mayor Denson says that she does not know when, or if, the ordinance will be brought forward again.

Much of the opposition to the current proposal comes from those who do not think the ordinance goes far enough. Progressives say its coverage is too narrow as it would only apply to businesses that make more than 50 percent of their revenue from alcohol. They also want to establish a civil rights commission that could collect data on discrimination in Athens and make recommendations on how to address it. Former SGA Senator Andrew Roberts, a leading advocate for addressing downtown discrimination, worries that the ordinance might be toothless if it only punishes violations of existing anti-discrimination law, because, as noted, Title II may not cover bars and Georgia law does not cover race.

The ordinance also fails to protect members of the LGBT community, who are not covered by anti-discrimination law at the federal or state level. LGBT students were also included in the SGA’s collection of testimonials, with one saying he was denied at Double Barrel when the bouncer said “we don’t let fags in here.” Former SGA Director of Policy Dustin Sammons, another advocate for ending bar discrimination, says that he hopes the ordinance will “bring protections in Athens to make up for gaps in federal and state law.”

Cochran has a different idea about how to address discrimination. He wants bars to change their business models to be more inclusive. He says they should hire more minorities, welcome athletes (which will draw in more black students), and begin serving food to address the belief of many bar owners that minorities do not buy alcohol. He thinks these solutions will create a natural environment for diverse groups of people to connect.

In general, Cochran worries about the implications of a racially homogeneous downtown scene because there are already too few opportunities for cross-cultural interaction at UGA. His concerns fit into the larger picture of segregation in the United States. Americans are increasingly moving to areas where people look and think like them, a phenomenon known as “The Big Sort.” Colleges are supposed to hedge against this uniformity of race and thought, but they often fail to do so. Historically white fraternities and sororities are commonly criticized for promoting race and class-based segregation. California State University recently faced pushback for creating a dorm that is “black-themed,” although it encourages anyone who is interested in black culture to live there.

UGA is 75 percent white, but the enrollment of minority students is increasing each year. If not addressed, racial and ethnic isolation will diminish the ability of students to interact with an increasingly diverse community and escape their cultural comfort zones. When asked whether integrating downtown Athens— better known for its debauchery than its social healing powers— is the solution to bridging the racial gap at UGA, Cochran responded: “Downtown could be a solution.” Then he started laughing. “But I definitely wouldn’t put all of my eggs in that basket.”

Athens, Georgia is an archetypal college town. It is home to a huge university and a vibrant art scene. Athens is a microcosm of Metro Atlanta with a unique, small-town, southern charm. It is also ranked as one of the most unequal towns in the country by income.

Why is it that Athens is one of the most unequal cities in the country? The answer is multifaceted. As a whole, the United States has seen income inequality rise for decades due to the changing nature of employment, lower taxes on the highest earners and massive returns for those in finance and high tech sectors, among other things. Still, Athens stands out above almost all other towns for several reasons. For one, Athens is a college town. By and large, college towns have high levels of income inequality relative to other places. Part of this is a statistical problem, as students who are not truly poor join datasets as if they are. But part of the recorded poverty is very real. Without students added in, Athens remains a poor town with high inequality, more so than most other college towns. Its job opportunities are largely divided between high-paying university jobs, private professional jobs servicing the outlying region and a veritable legion of low-paying service jobs. The story of income inequality in Athens is a complex one, in many ways mirroring the same story playing out across the country, but with its own twist.

“It’s not just going to knock on your door and say, ‘here. You’re going to have to find it yourself.” A local homeless man named Toney said that about economic opportunity in Athens. The “it” he referred to was specifically an opportunity to make a dignified living, a chance to build a sustainable life for oneself and one’s family. While Toney’s circumstances – which are too much of a story in and of themselves to put down here – were certainly unique, his experience with extreme poverty, standing on the sidelines of a wealthy small town, is an important and all-too-common situation to learn about when trying to understand this town. The story of poverty in Athens often goes unacknowledged, or at least unappreciated.

When educated people talk about Athens’ economy, they are almost inevitably bound to hit two main points, both of which offer a glimmer of truth. The first is that on paper Athens, Georgia is one of the poorest and most unequal places in not only the state of Georgia, but perhaps in the entire country. The second point denies the consequence of the first. This second point is that Athens is only poor on paper, and that its thousands of college students explain most of the poverty and inequality because they have little or no income, despite their sometimes privileged backgrounds. Before delving into that second point, one might ask whether proponents of the “poor on paper” viewpoint have really seen much of Athens and all of its clear displays of wealth and poverty.

Do not be mistaken, people dismiss this town’s poverty and inequality statistics for good reason. The thing about economic statistics for college towns is that they generally paint a false picture. College towns across the country have vastly over-reported poverty. For census purposes, students with little or no income fall below the poverty line, but they are usually not actually poor. They come from middle and upper middle class families, attain their degrees and get the hell out of town. People assume Athens is just like all of those other college towns. It is home to the University of Georgia, the oldest public college in the country and the biggest university in the state (for the time being). A sizable student population does skew statistics, making college towns appear poorer and more unequal than they actually are. Athens fits the model of a college town, so it is no surprise that UGA affects the town’s poverty statistics.

So when people say that poverty in Athens is vastly over-reported and not really much of a cause for concern, this might be where they are coming from. And if people said something like that in almost every other college town, they would be right. But Athens is actually a very poor place, despite its frequently picturesque appearance.

“Athens on paper looks much poorer than the rest of the state, much, much poorer. One of the reasons why is because students tend to have zero reported income,” says Matt Hauer, applied demographer at UGA’s Carl Vinson Institute of Government. “Even if we were to pull the students out, Athens still has a very high poverty rate.”

A U.S. Census study published in 2013 accounted for college students in federal poverty statistics. It did find that, yes, college students altered the picture a good deal in college towns, especially so for Athens. But once the study factored out college students, Athens had higher levels of poverty than every other place of comparable population size. Off-campus students caused a twelve percent increase in people living below the poverty level, but without students, the amount of people living below poverty was still almost 27 percent. That was higher than every other place with a population of 100,000 people or more in the study. In most college towns, the students explained a large portion of the town’s poverty. In Athens, the students did not make up even a third of it. The gulf between rich and poor in this town is not the statistical fabrication many have claimed. Athens is a poor town, not just on paper, but also in reality. Drive through its stratified streets or take a harder look at the data to see the evidence behind this claim.

Bishaw chart

It is true that college students account for a good deal of poverty, but they by no means constitute a relatively large portion of poverty (and therefore inequality) statistics in Athens. Without college students, Athens is much poorer than every other college town (U.S. Census, Bishaw)

To stress the point again, Athens is a poor place. Over 80 percent of kids in its public schools are recipients of free or reduced lunch, according to the Georgia Department of Education. There are no college students in those numbers, just families that have settled down and watched their kids grow up, sometimes without enough to eat. This is well above the national rate for free and reduced lunch, which is about 51 percent, and Georgia’s rate, which is above average at around 60 percent. Those are clearly no small figures either. They mean that the government has found that the majority of students in public schools in this country need help getting their next meals. This situation is severe most everywhere, but it is especially so in Athens. Needless to say, it does damage to the town’s workforce. Hungry students will focus on their empty stomachs instead of their classes and worry about their next meal instead of their futures.

Free and reduced lunch chart

For years now, the vast majority of children and teenagers attending public schools in this town have been determined in need of food assistance, a rate much higher than the rest of the state. (Georgia Dept. of Education)

Speaking of that workforce, it is true that Athens has many jobs relative to the state. Although, Georgia as a whole has had close to the highest unemployment figures in the country since the recession and throughout the recovery. But Athens’ relatively high level of employment masks the bifurcated nature of its workforce. Except for the somewhat small amount of solid, blue collar, manufacturing jobs – which, if you have seen an Athenian government official talk about the economy without mentioning the new Caterpillar plant, that was a special occasion indeed – in Athens, opportunities fall into a few divergent categories.

Unemployment chart

For years, Athens has had much lower unemployment than the rest of the state. (Bureau of Labor Statistics)

There are many, many service jobs here. These are jobs, not careers, as Chris Rock has put it. Most of these jobs have low pay, sporadic hours and lack security. People with little to no education can get this work, but a part time job that pays minimum wage or relies on tips is generally not enough to support a family with, especially in the long-term. What is more, applicants have to compete with the teeming masses of college students who need some kind of income. Obviously, college students all have the advantage of satisfactory high school performance that some locals do not.

The other major swath of jobs comes from the University of Georgia. UGA is not only the raison d’être for the town, it is its financial engine. Firstly, there is truth behind the joke that UGA has been under construction since 1783. Its constant revisions and expansions mean it has steady growth and puts out ever more money into Athens’ economy year after year. The university also employs plenty of students. UGA’s food services alone employs approximately 1,100 student employees. But the university obviously does not just employ blue collar and part time workers. It offers hefty incomes to many of its better-known professionals. It is unsurprising that Deanne Rosso, a financial adviser at Vickery Financial Services, a wealth management company tucked into Athens Professional Park, said, “We tend to work with a lot of university clients.” Some of the highest paid people in the state work here. UGA’s head football coach, Mark Richt, has a multimillion-dollar salary. Of course, this might not be too surprising given the importance of football to the school and the fact that the highest paid public employee in the majority of states is a football coach. While Richt stands out, plenty of professors and other coaches also earn incomes well above average.

Finally, there is one more major section of the labor force. These are the professional jobs, the kind with titles, benefits, substantial salaries and real stability. To get these jobs – er, careers – applicants usually need at least one degree and a solid network. If you can make your way into one of these careers, Athens happens to be a great place to do it.

That is because Athens is something of a small metropolitan oasis in a rural region. Atlanta is about an hour and a half away, so people in the surrounding area often need to come to Athens for services. For matters of healthcare, veterinary medicine, law or virtually any other white collar need, Athens is a convenient place to go. This position helps advance many professionals, who can then make their money work for them. Dr. Jeremy Reynolds, a professor at the UGA Department of Sociology, said that increased access to investment opportunities explained much of the increase in the richest people’s incomes. “The way you become wealthy is not by working lots of hours,” said Reynolds, “You make money by having money.”

That, it seems, is something of the key to inequality in not only this city, but most anywhere. Those on the wealthier side of the spectrum ultimately earn money in a different way from those with lower incomes. Many people here have a difficult to nonexistent chance at upward mobility because of the nature of their education, backgrounds and jobs. Plenty of others also have a difficult, but steady, chance to maintain or grow their incomes, and ultimately, their wealth. Athens has wealth, and it has job opportunities, but they are unequally distributed.

So _­when say, Bloomberg, puts out a gorgeous graphic that says Athens, Georgia has the eighth highest level of inequality in the entire country, it is somewhat deceptive. Is Athens truly among the very poorest and most unequal places in the country? No, but it is still home to serious amounts of poverty and inequality, among the highest for a Georgia Metropolitan Statistical Area, despite the skepticism many people have with that claim. What is more, thanks to its high levels of actual poverty, wealth from UGA and the slew of professional jobs servicing the region, it has deep income inequality. Athens, like many towns in developed countries, has a problem. And yes, its people have to recognize this problem before they can solve it.

MSA Map

Metropolitan statistical areas with the highest GINI indices are frequently located in the south. Note that Athens is among the top 20 poorest cities, although this metric does not account for the college student skewing effect. (US Census, ACS 2013)

By: Eli Scott

During the Fall Activities Fair, many starry-eyed freshmen are enticed to join campus service organizations with claims that Athens-Clarke County has one of the highest poverty rates in the state of Georgia. Sometimes, service-minded individuals, having heard statistics from other students in similar organizations, will even claim that Athens-Clarke County has one of the highest poverty rates in the nation. It turns out that though they inspire public service and outreach in Athens, most of these estimates fall short of statistical accuracy, and so does the federal formula for determining poverty.

In fact, the Census Bureau, with research conducted by the American Community Survey, discovered that, in general, the rates of poverty in college towns tended to be inflated by the college students living off-campus. For instance, Athens-Clarke County experienced the second highest change in poverty calculation in the country when excluding college students from the formula, a drop of nearly 11.4 percent from 38.3 percent to 26.9 percent. The problem lies with the fact that the Census Bureau defines poverty based on household income. Though the definition is seemingly straightforward, this misrepresentation arises from their classification of a college student living off campus and not with relatives as a household. The Bureau identifies income for the 23.2 million students who fit these criteria as personal incomes in the form of scholarships, Pell Grants, and financial support from relatives. However, this estimate does not include loans, a key source of money for many college students. Because few students earn more than $12,119 per year from the above-mentioned income definition, 51.8 percent of college students nationwide living-off campus and not living with relatives are considered impoverished.

These inflated statistics, though, are not only concerning because of their inaccurate methodology; this flawed formula is funneling federal funding to relatively well-off college towns at the expense of highly impoverished inner cities and rural areas. In this manner, Community Development Block Grants, federal funding for affordable housing, job creation, and community development to assist low- and moderate-income individuals, are diverted to college towns at a rate higher than necessary because allocation is dependent upon flawed federal formulas. The Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) has even claimed that student-related poverty inflation accounted for at least $27.5 million per year in inefficiently allocated funds.

The Block Grants formula even considers many college towns to be “entitlement” communities: metropolitan cities with populations greater than 50,000 that meet the criterion of having a poverty rate above the threshold. Such communities receive funding directly from the federal government. This contrasts with non-entitlement communities, where the states have discretion over how funding is allocated. Because of the lack of discretion over how funds are allocated to entitlement communities, many of which are college towns because of the population requirement and poverty calculation, the states have no say in whether or not more funds, relatively speaking, are granted to high-need metropolitan areas or college towns.

The fact that Athens-Clarke County drops from having the third highest poverty rate in the state of Georgia to 47th when disregarding college students living off-campus seems puzzling yet harmless. But the allocation of block grants based on misguided poverty calculations can be detrimental to high-need communities that face poverty rates higher than college towns, especially after factoring out college student populations, because such high-need communities lose proper funding. With that in mind, changes in the formula by excluding the majority of off-campus college students from poverty estimates, as HUD has lobbied Congress to do, would help alleviate this problem. Similarly, granting more discretion to the states in terms of entitlement communities or raising the population threshold of entitlement communities to 200,000 instead of 50,000 could easily exclude college towns and allow a more efficient allocation of federal funding.

By Shalin Jyotishi

As I knocked on the door of her Athens, Ga. home, I was greeted by a warm, friendly smile. While sitting down at her dining room table, she struck me as an ordinary grandmotherly figure. With her southern accent and calm demeanor, Nancy Denson has served as mayor of the Classic City for the past three years. Denson was the first women to be elected to public office in Athens, a town that’s been around since the 1700s. Denson, a Democrat, has been supported by those on the left, the right and the in between. Her supporters include former Georgia Governor Roy Barnes, two senators, a congressman, several commissioners, her formal mayoral opponent, and even a former UGA president.

Nancy Denson is running for re-election as Athens-Clarke County Mayor against her fierce critic and opponent: Tim Denson (no relation). For months, the two Densons have sparred on issues relating to poverty, education, crime, the environment, and public transit. The race has also involved conversations regarding marijuana and even shopping bags.

Although her record is formidable, not all is perfect for Mayor Denson. She’s been vehemently criticized by the popular Prince-Avenue based publication Flagpole Magazine, and other Tim Denson supporters. She has also faced a number of media scuffles regarding plastic bag restrictions and sexual assault.

My GPR colleague Eli Watkins previously interviewed Tim Denson in a February article. To make things fair, I sat down to talk with Mayor Nancy Denson.

GPR: Why are you qualified to be mayor of Athens?

I’m qualified primarily because of how much I care about Athens and my prior experience. I became the first women elected to office in Athens on Jan. 1, 1980 when I was a city council member. I became very active in the state with the Georgia Municipal Association (GMA). I served as president of 10th district of GMA. Later, I resigned city council to become tax commissioner. I served in that office for 26 years. During those 26 years, I lobbied for and against tax legislation. Then, of course, I have served as mayor of Athens for five years.

Above all, my record as mayor makes me qualified to be re-elected. Economic development has been my major push. I came in at the depth of a recession and to accomplish what I did during that time frame I think is phenomenal. Over the past two years 2,600 jobs have come to Athens. Caterpillar brought a manufacturing operation to Athens back from Japan. President Obama referenced [Caterpillar’s move] in his State of the Union speech. For 2013, our building permits were double what they were in 2011. We’re ahead of the curve of most of the country as far as recovering from the recession. All the while the environment is safe. Athens has acquired several hundred new acres to keep as green space. We are also doing environmentally creative things including implementing the methane to electricity system at the landfill.

GPR: What will you do for small businesses in Athens?

I may expand roles for an existing position to help small businesses, but a lot is already going on. FourAthens is functioning like an incubator for small tech businesses. They’re funded through tax dollars via the Downtown Development Authority. We are subsidizing rent for small start-ups in Athens. Also, one of the best stimuli for small business is big business. Caterpillar’s 57 million dollar payroll goes into the local economy. Hair cuts, shoes, entertainment, [and] computer programs are all purchased with payrolls of big companies. That goes into the economy several times over. We also have another company who moved here called Ethicon, which is a biotech company and a division of Johnson & Johnson. They make surgical sutures for the whole world. That big business is doing the same as Caterpillar.

GPR: Student housing downtown construction has been a very prominent issue this year. What are you thoughts on student housing in downtown Athens?

We’ve had the issue of slum housing in the past, but that trend may end soon. The student housing complexes that are being built are going to be so close to downtown and campus, students will never leave to allow those places to become slum housing. A lot of the properties students have lived in the past weren’t luxury apartments. As students move into these bright new shiny toys, they abandon the old ones, but that allows families to move into those housing complexes that are looking for better housing. All this means more money for our downtown.

I don’t think it’s very likely for the [new developments] to turn into slums like people are saying because the investment is too great. The property downtown values at something like half a million dollars an acre. When you’re putting that kind of money into the dirt and building to the high quality building standards we have in Athens, you won’t see issues. It makes good business sense to build sustainable housing.

GPR: In Athens, real median income is one of the lowest in the SEC, compared with similar college towns, and one of the lowest in Georgia. What will you do about the poverty rate in Athens?

Thanks to smart job creation, the unemployment rate has dropped since I’ve been in office. I think it’s that people [facing] financial difficulties are drawn to central cities to look for work. I’ve been really criticized for saying it, but I think history shows it to be true. There was an article written in January this year that used census data to show that poverty nationwide has grown in cities. I’ve also seen articles that say once adjusted for the students, our poverty rate comes to around 27 percent. Which is average for the country.

Since I’ve been in office, we’ve also had several economic opportunity zones. They are based on poverty and census data. In the past, any kind of tax benefit had to be for a large company. In these opportunity zones, any employers with two employees can get a $3,500 state tax credit which is a huge incentive.

GPR: UGA has a new President, Provost, and an entire fleet of new senior administrators and deans. Where do you see the relationship with the university and Athens going?

I’m a Dawg. [laughs] I didn’t get my degree until I was nearly 50, but I’m still a dawg. I’ve been in elected office for over 25 years. I see it as only getting better. The relationship overall is totally different than it was 25 years ago. 25 years ago, there was very much an “us” and “them” mentality. I remember going to a football game with my husband and there had been a controversy in the city. We walked through campus, and I said, “You know, I used to think this was a part of Athens.” I don’t have those kinds of feelings anymore. My relationship with Dr. Adams was very good. My relationship with Jere Morehead is excellent. I think there’s huge mutual respect. I don’t have any doubt that we will both be working together for the benefit of the university and the community.

GPR: Tim Denson has named a progressive tax rate as one of his ways to play for his programs. What are your thoughts on that?

Well I think what Tim Denson is proposing is scary. He’s proposing to change the property tax system from value based to ability to pay. Thank goodness it can’t be done under the laws and constitutions of the state of Georgia. It would take several amendments to the constitution and state law to make that possible. The mayor and commission cannot even call a referendum on their own. That has to be done through the state legislature. That’s the difference in 26 years of experience and knowledge of the way government works. I don’t have to backtrack and learn all this. If [a progressive tax rate] did happen, people may move out of Athens-Clarke County. It would be a killer on incentives to do anything. I’m also worried [about] how you determine ability to pay. It’s fraught with so many problems. It’s wrong for our community morally.

GPR: In a previous debate the issue of sexual assault was raised. What can and will you do about sexual assault in Athens?

I’ve been working to help victims of sexual assault practically my whole life here. This year, we have 18 positions in our budget for violence against women – positions which are spaced out throughout our criminal justice system to deal with aftermath of violence and sexual assault against women. Those positions were being funded through federal grants that have run out now. Now we’re supporting [these positions] throughout budget. I’ve also been a supporter of Project Safe since it’s conception. I participated in Dancing with the Athens Stars last year to raise money for Project Safe. Our police officers are specifically trained to deal with sexual assault victims. One thing I want to make absolutely clear is the victim is absolutely never at fault. The only time sexual contact is not sexual assault is when there is an absolute “yes.” There’s never an excuse.

GPR: Public transit in Athens has been a big issue in this race. What can and will you do about public transit in Athens?

It’s going to stay the same for this year’s budget. In the upcoming budget, I have proposed a transit study, which the university has agreed to participate in with us, to look at ways we can make the system more efficient. My opponent talks about combining the UGA bus system with ours. There have been no overtures made from the university about combining the systems. The university’s mission is very different from the county’s mission. The university’s transit mission is to get their students to and from class. That’s not Athens-Clarke County’s transit mission. They’re also dealing with a very compact area. The university buses are driven by students. They don’t have the same overhead that we have. We probably pay our drivers a bit more and there’s a career ladder for workers to move up. We also provide full benefits. The dynamics of the two systems are very different. I’m sure there are some areas where our [two systems] overlap where we can improve efficiency. I think our transit study will reveal that. If we can make our pie bigger by bringing in jobs and industry, maybe we can improve our transit system, but for a community our size, [the transit system] is one of the top systems in the country.

GPR: What can and will you do about K-12 education in Athens?

There’s actually nothing officially that the mayor can do for education. They have their own board and jurisdiction. From a public relations standpoint, I want to trumpet the quality we have in Athens. A big reason why I ran for mayor was to change the conversation in Athens. In fact, this came up when I was talking with people from Caterpillar. We were talking about where to relocate. I know there are some realtors that will say you need to go to Oconee County because their schools are better. I know which ones say it. The schools are not better in Oconee County. We have two very good school systems, but the populations are completely different. We have far more [low-income minority] students in comparison to Oconee County. The students there come from more [affluent] backgrounds in comparison to ours. That’s changing. The middle class is starting to come back to Athens. The Chase Street school area was a very poor area, but that area’s coming back now. When you get more parental involvement, which you get from the middle class, you get a better educational environment.

With early voting underway and May 20^th drawing ever closer, Athenians will ultimately decide which Denson will serve as their next mayor. Those registered to vote should make America’s Founding Fathers proud and head to the Board of Elections Office during normal business hours (Monday through Friday between 8 am – 5 pm). You can read more about Mayor Nancy Denson and her platform at www.nancydensonformayor.com/. To learn more about her challenger Tim Denson and his platform visit www.timforathens.com/.

Rep. Paul Broun, M.D., of the 10th District, which includes Athens-Clarke County, Milledgeville, and Winder, has received a mixture of scorn and praise since he took office in 2007. Broun is running for retiring Senator Saxby Chambliss’ seat. Whether he successfully ascends to the Senate or his career goes the way of the wooly mammoth, the race for his seat in the 10th District is wide open.

Seven of the eight candidates who qualified for the ballot are Republicans, so there will not be a Democratic primary. The crowded republican field means the tightest race is likely to be the Republican primary on May 20, not the general election in November. The overwhelming partisan imbalance reflects the fact that the 10th District leans heavily conservative. According to the Cook Political Report, this district’s voters voted for Mitt Romney by a margin of 26 percentage points in the 2012 presidential election. That same year, Broun won the general election unopposed, despite 4,000 write-in-votes for deceased English biologist Charles Darwin. Barring any unforeseen circumstances involving their eventual nominee, the Republican primary will decide the election.

Some of the candidates in the Republican primary differ on rhetoric, but their policy stances and mutual distaste for President Obama show they agree on broad political principles. The fact that Georgia Right to Life, the embattled pro-life organization, has endorsed five of them so far shows how similar some of their beliefs are. Their backgrounds include military service, business experience, grassroots involvement, and tenure in the state legislature. Here are the candidates in no particular order:

• Mike Collins is a business owner from Jackson, Georgia. He is the son of former Rep. Mac Collins, who defeated Rep. Broun in a 1992 primary contest. Collins has spent much of his life running his own trucking company, and he has served on the boards of Georgia’s Associated Credit Union and Motor Trucking Association and as president of Butts County’s Chamber of Commerce. His campaign’s focus is on his private sector experience. Brandon Phillips, a consultant for the campaign, claimed, “He’s the only one with real business experience.” On the issues, Collins is a conservative candidate in general agreement with his opponents. He is against tax increases, same-sex marriage, and the availability of abortions totally. He supports the FairTax, robust military spending, and gun rights. According to the FEC, Collins’ disclosures show $385,607 in total contributions and loans so far.

• Gary Gerrard is a former Army officer and Athens native. He is a practicing attorney and former adjunct law professor at a number of universities, including the University of Georgia. He supports a balanced budget amendment to the Constitution and advocates the creation of a budget reconciliation commission to increase action on budget cuts in the style of a mechanism Congress employed to close military bases. He wants to repeal the Affordable Care Act and abolish the Department of Education to limit the federal government’s involvement in the areas of healthcare and education. Perhaps the most clarifying point about Gerrard is his attitude concerning originalism, a conservative approach to the Constitution commonly associated with Georgia’s own Justice Clarence Thomas. When asked about what distinguishes him from his opponents, Gerrard said, “There is at least one person in this race, maybe more, that has an originalist intent of the constitution that I believe is naive.” Gerrard’s professed disdain for this branch of legal thought sets him apart from some of his opponents more ideologically similar to Rep. Broun. Gerrard’s disclosures to the FEC show $141,579 in contributions and loans so far.

• Jody Hice is a radio host and minister living in Walton County whose religious and political views are closely intertwined. In a forum hosted by the Newton Conservative Liberty Alliance and the Covington News, Hice summed up his appeal when he said, “I’m a Christian. I’m a constitutionalist. I’m a conservative.” Hice is proud of his fight with the American Civil Liberties Union over the Barrow County courthouse’s display of the Ten Commandments, a fight that the ACLU won, resulting in the removal of the religious display and a $150,000 legal reimbursement paid for by the taxpayer. In 2008, he joined 30 other pastors in protesting an IRS code of not preaching politics in the pulpit by telling his congregation to vote for Sen. John McCain. Perhaps the most overtly Broun-esque candidate, Hice takes some of the most absolutist conservative positions, such as his campaign promise not to raise the debt ceiling and the adoption of Broun’s four-point legislative test, which requires a bill to meet his standards of constitutional originalism, Judeo-Christian morality, necessity, and affordability. According to the FEC, Hice’s disclosures show $345,227 in total contributions so far.

• Donna Sheldon has the dual distinction of being the only woman and prior office holder in the race. She served in the Georgia House of Representatives from 2003-2013 when she resigned to focus on her congressional campaign. She was Chair of the House Majority Caucus and helped craft a bill on the House Transportation Committee that led to the T-SPLOST referendum in 2012, which failed at the polls. Her work in the Georgia legislature earned her praise from several right-leaning organizations. The American Conservative Union gave her a 100 percent rating. The Susan B. Anthony List, a national pro-life organization, endorsed her in this race for her firm history of support for pro-life initiatives. According to the FEC, Sheldon’s disclosures show $467,340 in total contributions and loans, which means her campaign is the best funded so far.

• Stephen Simpson is a retired military officer from Milledgeville. No stranger to running in this district, Simpson lost to Broun in the 2012 primary. The support of former Governor Sonny Perdue distinguishes Simpson in the crowded field. Simpson is also a former member of the intelligence community. When he brought up this point at the NCLA and Covington News forum, he said wryly, “When I worked for the NSA, we didn’t overreach.” Whether in person or online, Simpson often references the Obama administration’s controversies like the attack in Benghazi, Libya and discriminatory IRS practices, popular topics among the republican base. Like his opponents, Simpson also focuses on non-military budget cuts and deregulation to increase employment. According to the FEC, Simpson’s disclosures show $219,225 in total contributions and loans so far.

• Brian Slowinski is a self-described non-establishment, conservative tea party Republican candidate, and to the observer, it appears this man from Martinez has earned that slew of labels. Whether it is his trademark of repeating his name three times or his homemade announcement video on YouTube, people can see Slowinski was being honest when he said, “I’m not part of the professional political class.” Slowinski holds Rep. Broun in high esteem, and it seems he would vote similarly to the tea party favorite. His issue positions for the most part are similar to the rest of the candidates. However, Slowinski also has an anti-establishment and libertarian bent. He supports replacing Speaker John Boehner with a more conservative alternative and auditing the Federal Reserve. Slowinski’s campaign has no funds listed in the FEC’s disclosure portal so far.

• S. Mitchell Swan is a Marine Colonel from Athens. According to his website, Swann worked on U.S. policy for the Middle East when he was a staff officer with U.S. Central Command. Given his background, it is no surprise that Swann focuses more often on international issues than the other candidates. Demonstrating his perspective in this regard, he said, “We are the last nation of consequence in Western Civilization.” However, he does share many of the same domestic concerns as his opponents. He supports budget cuts, including the elimination of the Departments of Education and Urban Development, and a flat tax. One area he may differ from his opponents on is immigration. Swan advocates a plan to offer undocumented immigrants windows of opportunities to pay fees and ultimately gain citizenship. According to the FEC, Swan’s campaign has raised $12,531 in contributions and loans so far.

Republican voters will decide which of the seven candidates of those listed above to put on the general election ballot. If none of the Republican candidates wins a majority of the first round primary vote, then the top two performers will compete in a runoff election on July 22.

The eventual nominee will go on to face Ken Dious, the sole Democrat in the race. He is a civil rights lawyer in Athens. According to his website, Dious “was the first African-American student at University of Georgia to integrate the football team and wear a Bulldog uniform.” He served as a delegate for Obama in the 2008 Democratic National Convention. To democratic activists, this campaign seems like a good chance for Dious­–or any other Democrats looking for footholds in the area one day–to build up support for a future election as the state’s demographics change. When asked about this campaign, Dious said, “I think my chance is good, but we’re trying to get my message out.” His campaign has very little money compared to some of his opponents. His FEC disclosures show $11,395 in contributions so far.

So far, the qualifying process narrowed the 700,000 or so people in the 10th District down to eight possible candidates. Now it is up to the voters to make that last jump down to one representative. The voters of the 10th District have a veritable butcher shop of red meat available to them. Whether they choose a candidate from the same cut as Rep. Broun or opt for something different remains to be seen.