Although widely recognized in the U.S. for its peaches and southern charm, Georgia has a different reputation internationally: its location and attributes have caused it to quickly become a magnet for foreign direct investment and a hub for European companies. With economic and political tensions currently rising between the U.S. and E.U., subnational diplomacy, which is defined as international engagement on a local or regional level, and economic cooperation between American and European partners, are more important than ever to ensure the long-term success of the transatlantic relationship. It’s this type of European involvement in the state of Georgia that is reshaping the economy, increasing innovation, and elevating the state’s globalization.

Georgia’s strategic location makes it an ideal spot for overseas companies’ investment. Atlanta is home to multiple headquarters of Fortune 500 companies, as well as the Hartsfield-Jackson International Airport, one of the world’s busiest airports, providing easy access to almost 80% of America’s largest metro cities within a 2-hour flight. As a result, more than 70 countries have official consular and trade representatives in the state, who are responsible for representing their respective national interests to the entire Southeast. Additionally, Georgia’s coastal location is an attractive prospect for many European countries, as it houses two ports. The Port of Savannah is both the largest container terminal in America and the fastest-growing port in the country, functioning as a vital hub for international trade and logistics. The Port of Brunswick is the country’s number one port for new auto imports. European companies in key industries such as supply chain, logistics, and technology, including Vanderlande Industries, Stellantis/Groupe PSA and Hapag-Lloyd, have all chosen Georgia as their U.S. headquarters for these reasons.

Over the past few decades, these companies, particularly German ones, have significantly contributed to Georgia’s economy. Germany is Georgia’s top European trading partner, and has consistently been in the top five international trading partners of the state. For example, Porsche Cars North America (PCNA), a German car brand, established its U.S. headquarters in Atlanta in 1998. More recently, it opened its renowned Porsche Experience Center Atlanta in 2015, a facility that offers multiple drive, track, and simulator experiences. PCNA invested an initial $150 million and expanded their facilities in 2023, contributing an additional $50 million. In 2018, Mercedes-Benz USA, the North American subsidiary of German automotive company Mercedes-Benz, opened its corporate headquarters in Sandy Springs, a suburb a few miles out of Atlanta. The company invested upwards of $74 million and built a facility that could employ up to 1,000 people. Motor vehicles have consistently ranked in the top five traded products between Georgia and international partners, further facilitated by the Port of Brunswick. Other German companies, such as ThyssenKrupp and Siemens, have opened regional or North American headquarters in Georgia. 

To further strengthen these international partnerships with Germany and Poland, Georgia governor Brian Kemp announced an overseas economic development trip, which took place in January 2025. Governor Kemp and representatives from the Georgia Department of Economic Development met with German companies already operating in Georgia, as well as companies with expansion plans, in order to reinforce relationships while participating in diplomacy and partnerships. In Poland, Georgia officials met with Polish business leaders to explore opportunities in the defense industry. Coupled with the news that a Czech aerospace and defense company established North American headquarters in Roswell in February 2025, and Lockheed Martin’s Marietta site, this initiative reflects an effort to support the defense industry in the state. Strong economic relations with Europe aid job creation and stimulate the local economy, simultaneously allowing the state to attract more foreign companies looking to expand to the U.S. In addition, creating enduring relationships with eastern and central Europe allows Georgia access to new emerging markets and stay at the forefront of innovation in science, technology and defense.

The first months of 2025 have presented a number of particularly difficult challenges for the U.S.-E.U. partnership. Strengthening and reinforcing economic partnerships with foreign countries at the local level not only supports the country’s diplomatic ties, but acts as a stabilizing force for transatlantic relationships in an economically and politically uncertain time. While subnational economic relationships cannot replace formal diplomacy, they serve as an opportunity for states to expand their reach and forge cross-cultural partnerships. International investments, like the German and Polish examples discussed above, create thousands of jobs in Georgia each year and bring in millions of dollars in funding. This positions the state to leverage its strategic advantages in diplomacy, geography, and infrastructure, something that has become more important than ever in the modern global landscape.

In late August 2023, Hurricane Idalia ravaged Southeast Georgia, downing not only trees and powerlines but also numerous farms, severely impairing Georgia’s agriculture. The impacts can still be seen today.

Georgia is the nation’s most robust producer of pecans and has been leading the nation consistently each year with the highest utilized production of pecans in recent times. Clearly, pecans are a large part of Georgia’s economic agricultural system. Each year, the pecan industry comprises around two billion dollars of Georgia’s economy and generates approximately 13,000 jobs, making it a substantial portion of the state’s economy.

However, pecans do not grow instantaneously. Pecan trees require 4 to 10 years to mature, with some not producing nuts until they are around a decade old. Hurricanes pose a huge economic threat to the almost 3,000 pecan farmers located in Georgia, as even downed limbs can deeply hinder a tree’s productive capacity for years. In these orchards, farmers plant trees via the process of grafting. During the process of grafting, farmers take established roots that thrive in Georgia’s rich soil and attach them to the tree shoots so that as they grow, they combine and transform into a more productive, resistant plant. These trees are then planted 40 to 70 feet from one another, which means they require a considerable amount of space to grow and produce pecans.

Hurricanes Idalia and Helene have caused severe damage to Georgia’s economy because of pecan tree destruction. Hurricane Idalia made landfall as a Category 3 Hurricane, eventually becoming a Category 2 hurricane as it crossed the Florida-Georgia Line. Idalia sustained winds of 50 to 70 miles per hour. These speeds are substantial enough to topple trees, wrench immature pecans from their branches, and cause tree limbs to fall. Elevated wind speeds are especially troubling for pecan trees, which can only withstand 60 mile an hour winds before causing major structural damage and an increased risk of uprooted trees. Orchards in Idalia’s path in Southeast Georgia experienced around 50 percent loss of trees and substantial losses for that year’s pecan crops.

Hurricane Helene posed a similar threat for pecan farmers. In late September of 2025, Hurricane Helene swept across Georgia, not only killing hundreds of people, but also severely damaging Georgia’s agriculture, most notably the pecan industry. Helene emerged from the Atlantic Ocean as a Category 4 hurricane, eventually losing steam and crossing the Florida-Georgia line as a Category 2 hurricane. With wind speeds reaching up to 137 miles per hour, Helene downed pecan trees in its path, causing an estimated $5.5 billion in agricultural damages, with economic losses totaling around $100 billion. In comparison, Hurricane Helene was stronger than Hurricane Idalia, causing an estimated 40 percent loss of trees from eight to 29 years old and an estimated 70 percent loss of older trees that were already proven to be reliable producers.

The resulting damages from these hurricanes have caused major economic distress for Georgia as the orchards continue to recover. Hurricane Helene, in particular, caused losses of $138 million in the pecan industry alone. Due to the lengthy maturation period, the impacts of these natural disasters are far-reaching. Pecans, while a sizable agricultural resource for the state of Georgia, are not an especially resilient crop. Large catastrophic events will take longer for the pecan industry to recover as the trees not only need to be replanted but also tended to and harvested. Meanwhile, the pecan harvesters have little-to-no revenue source until pecan production increases again.

In addition to plant damages, tariffs on U.S. exports to China have troubled pecan growers, as they face greater competition from others internationally who offer lower prices. 

China has imposed additional tariffs in direct response to the blanket tariffs the U.S. recently imposed on Chinese imports. Under the United States–Mexico–Canada Agreement, the U.S. has currently suspended its tariffs covering pecans, but farmers are unsure about the impacts of future tariffs. Because Georgia has exported around 50-70% of its pecans to China for the last decade, the U.S. and China trade war will greatly harm farmers as the cost of pecans in China increases. The quantity exported to China will subsequently decrease and stifle Georgia’s economy. In addition, the cost of pecan production continuously increases as farmers combat scab, a disease affecting plants that can lead to deformed fruit and leaf drop. Scab requires numerous fungicide sprays due to increased resistance. Combating the disease raises the costs of production even higher—at times an upwards of 60 percent. These rising costs to pecan production, coupled with higher crop prices abroad due to tariffs, will reduce the profit margins of pecan farmers and make it even more challenging in the future to survive catastrophes such as hurricanes as they await a new crop of pecans.

Amidst higher costs, lower prices abroad, and lower margins, Georgian pecan farmers, from small family farms to large growers, are concerned with the future of their industry. Pecan farmers can still manage to plant, grow, and sell pecans due to government aid following natural disasters, but it is imperative that Georgian communities also take action to support such a vital industry. For one, farmers can consider seeking other sources of revenue as they recover, such as selling pecan wood. Some may even consider agritourism as a way of increasing community awareness while simultaneously boosting funds. In addition, supporting local growers through farmers markets and buying locally can help to increase pecan farmer’s profits, and one can even join community organizations whose goal is to inform the public of farmer’s needs. Lastly, when local and national elections arise, citizens should always remember to look into policies that advocate for the wellbeing of farmers. Farmers are the backbone of America, and their resilience continues to sustain society. Naturally, society needs to reciprocate this strength and pour back into the industry which allows it to thrive.

What Are Nonprofits?

Nonprofits play an important role in every city, often working behind the scenes to support community welfare. In fact, nonprofits tend to do a lot more behind the scenes than we realize. So what are they? Nonprofits are organizations that do not generate or distribute profits to shareholders or individuals. They serve the public good in various ways and include charitable organizations, religious organizations, homeowners associations, and labor unions among many others. The most impactful types of nonprofits are public charities, also known as charitable nonprofits. These are nonprofits that promote social welfare, private foundations, and religious organizations. 

In Georgia, there are approximately four nonprofits for every thousand people. Though nonprofits tend to be concentrated in larger cities, where more people live, many focus on improving conditions in rural areas in the state. Overall, 1.3 million charitable nonprofits serve their communities across the United States. In Athens alone, 1,390 nonprofits generate over two billion dollars in revenue each year. Some of the most influential nonprofits in Athens include Project Safe Inc, Athens-Oconee CASA, the Athens Area Humane Society, Books for Keeps, and the Jeannette Rankin Women’s Scholarship Fund. Additionally, Athens has a community foundation dedicated to raising and managing funds for local charities and foundations.

Community foundations have a vital role in managing nonprofit donations in cities with a high number of charitable organizations. A community foundation in Athens was established in 2008, and in less than 20 years, the Athens Area Community Foundation has grown to oversee 293 funds and manage $32 million in grants. The foundation does this by connecting donors with nonprofits and working with advisors to create donation plans. Furthermore, The Foundation connects donors with causes that align with their philanthropic goals. They help donors who wish to contribute broadly, support a specific cause, or direct their funds to a designated foundation. 

Why Are Nonprofits Needed?

Nonprofits bridge  the gap between what the government provides and what citizens can provide for themselves. In addition to services like providing food or donating books, nonprofits employ 12.8 million people nationwide and significantly impact the economy. More importantly, These nonprofits support human rights and health. One way they do this is through advocacy as an intermediary between individuals with fewer resources and the government sector. Nonprofits are essential to addressing community-specific needs that the broad federal government cannot identify. This includes overarching goals like human rights and welfare which are best addressed through localized, community-driven efforts that understand the unique challenges and cultural contexts of the people they serve. 

A major example of the influence of nonprofits is in the healthcare sector. Over half of the hospitals in the U.S. are nonprofit. Research from the National Institute of Health indicates that communities with strong nonprofit networks experience better community health including lower illness rates and higher infant health and mental health levels. Athens is no exception. In Athens, Piedmont Athens Regional Medical Center is nearly entirely funded by community grants. Over 2023, the hospital had 21,900 in-patient admissions and 82,046 out-patient ER visits. This means in 2023, the hospital helped patients over 100,000 times – making Piedmont hospital a crucial resource for people in the Athens area. Public hospitals are important examples of how public-serving nonprofits play a major role in nearly every American’s life.

What can we do better?

Despite their significance, support for nonprofits has been decreasing. In 1980, 85% of Americans donated to charitable causes, but that number has since fallen to 50%. Additionally, only 33% of Americans believe that nonprofits contribute to society. While many people favor the idea of giving to charitable nonprofits, fewer are actively donating. A major factor in this decline is a lack of awareness: one study reported that 62.6% of people had little to no knowledge of nonprofits while only 1.5% considered themselves experts. Furthermore, although nearly 10% of Americans work for nonprofits, only about 5% of Americans believe that nonprofits have benefitted themselves or someone in their family directly. Because many people don’t understand the extent to which nonprofits benefit society and themselves, they are often reluctant to donate. This hurts both the economy and nonprofits’ ability to respond to disasters, provide resources, and promote healthcare. 

Addressing this issue starts with education and engagement. In Athens, college students can volunteer, spread awareness, and support local nonprofits. Additionally, college students everywhere can look into supporting their local community foundations. Support from university students in Athens will bring stronger statewide and national support for the Athens Area Community Foundation. This can be done through social media outreach, University-led initiatives, and collaboration with organizations on the UGA’s campus. By increasing community involvement, Athens residents, whether temporary or lifelong, can help grow the nonprofit sector, ensuring that these organizations can continue to serve those in need.

The issue of censorship has been a hot topic in politics, and within the last month it has come to a head in Georgia with a recent Senate Bill, GA SB 74. This bill addresses the distribution of materials deemed “harmful” to minors, and it eliminates the protections that were previously afforded to librarians within state code. Essentially, where libraries were originally exempt from legal repercussions regarding distribution of “obscene” materials to minors, librarians could now face consequences for the books they lend out to underage patrons. This includes any materials that might be perceived as indecent or profane, and this recently proposed Senate bill would substantially restrict the types of materials that can be freely distributed by libraries.

Given how controversial the issue of censorship is in contemporary politics, the bill has faced criticism from the public. Libraries have proven to be an invaluable part of the Georgia community, with over 400 spread across every county in the state. Without the previous exception protecting libraries’ ability to freely disseminate materials, young readers could face significant restrictions on the topics they can read about in libraries.

Georgia code defines works as “harmful to minors” when it lacks any serious literary, political, artistic, or scientific merit. However, there are no clear standards for determining what works fit under this exception. This determination is highly subjective and gives cause for concern about certain topics being more vulnerable to censorship than others. While it is true that the same standards may be applied to all literature in theory, restrictions on literature tend to disproportionately affect books addressing issues of race, gender, and sexuality. This bill has not yet been passed, as it is still awaiting a vote by the Georgia House, but should this bill be passed, Georgia librarians will forever have the threat of legal action hanging over their heads, preventing them from lending books that touch on historically censored topics to young students.

This threat to students’ ability to freely access books cuts to the core of what it means to provide young adults with a comprehensive education. GA SB 74 comes in the wake of President Trump’s ongoing efforts to dismantle the Department of Education, including a recent executive order on the subject. It remains to be seen how the Department of Education might redistribute its powers to other departments–and which roles it plays will simply cease to exist. However, should the Department of Education be eliminated, the lack of federal funding to ensure quality of education would disproportionately affect poorer communities and rural areas. Furthermore, many communities dominated by racial minorities will tend to feel the impacts of this executive order the most severely, given the department’s role in providing funding to under-resourced Black-dominated neighborhoods. Additionally, the abolishing of the Department of Education would eliminate support for students with disabilities and make their education even more inaccessible.

Furthermore, through various executive orders, President Trump is seeking to push a pro-privatization agenda through educational policy. One way in which he is aiming to do this is by utilizing public funds that would go toward the public education system to instead help parents pay for privatized, often faith-based education. However, sending a student to a private school rather than a public school could severely restrict the scope of the education a student is receiving, especially without the Department of Education’s oversight in ensuring the quality of education students receive. This effect is only exacerbated by GA SB 74, which would restrict libraries from providing materials that could expose K-12 students to topics that their education may not address.

This is not the only executive order from President Trump that puts the integrity of K-12 public education at risk. Trump has also made education on race-related issues a target through his executive order banning education on race-related issues. With the Trump administration’s attempts to limit students’ exposure to race-related issues and privatize education, students’ exposure to diverse topics is becoming increasingly threatened, an issue exacerbated by GA SB 74. The best way for students to subvert these attempts to restrict what they can learn about is for them to be able to openly access information and literature outside the scope of their education. Thus, the legal perils of librarians providing such materials to young students is another means of censoring education.

President Trump cannot fully disband the Department of Education without congressional approval. Even so, he seeks to drastically reduce its power and functions to only the barest necessities and take action to preemptively facilitate its disbanding. This, coupled with the number of executive orders he has been able to pass regarding restriction of education, has severely destabilized the comprehensiveness of lower education, preventing young students from learning about highly essential topics related to social issues and taboo topics in American history and culture. The combined impact of this and the recent Georgia Senate Bill would make it immensely difficult for Georgia students to access information unrestrictedly.

GA SB 74 has not yet been passed into law; the end of the Georgia legislative session on April 4th may prevent it from being passed into law this legislative session. However, the introduction of this bill sets a dangerous precedent for the future of libraries’ legal protections. Given the recent attempts to dismantle the Department of Education, it is certainly possible that there will be continued attempts in future legislative sessions to strip libraries of their discretion on what materials to distribute. Such a development would have a substantial impact on Georgia students’ ability to receive a well-funded, comprehensive education.

By: Mayerlyn Rivera and Beata Tewell

Upcoming

Georgia 

On Oct. 26, Georgian citizens will take to the polls to vote in the parliamentary elections. Many fear the outcome at the end of this week with the participation of the Georgian Dream (GD) party and recent behavior. As of recently, the GD party has advocated for a “foreign agent” law that will allow non-governmental organizations to have power- instilling a fear for a loss of democracy in the state. The current prime minister, Irakli Kobakhidz, was appointed by parliament in February, a very criticized decision by the public, and announced that if the GD party won he would ban any opposing parties from running opposite of him, raising the importance of this election’s results. There have been concerns that the GD party may be drifting from EU accession and NATO military alliance deals for Georgia and leaning towards going into active retaliation with Russia. This has sparked quite an uproar for the more than five political parties because it is the main issue that they come together on. The fears stem from a concern that the GD party may embrace Russian President Vladimir Putin and anti-Europeanism. 

  This will not only affect the internal functionality of Georgia, but the way they interact with other states on a global scale. Whether or not they will continue to maintain a pro-Western relationship through policy will affect the future of Georgia’s state. Overall, there is a fear that Georgia may be entering a period of democratic backsliding due to the autocratic policies and standards that the GD party has pushed for and displayed support for. 

Uruguay

On Oct. 27, Ururguyans will take to the polls to vote on their next president, all the seats in the upper and lower houses of Parliament, and notably a potential referendum that would change the pension system. There are two parties in the running: left-center Broad Front coalition, and incumbent National Party. If there is not a candidate with majority votes above 50%, there will be a runoff on Nov. 24. Along with the refresh of the executive and judicial branches, the two referendum questions Uruguyans will vote on are on a constitutional ban on night time police home raids and a pension reform for reverting the retirement age. 

Looking at potential poll predictions, under most options for presidential and parliamentary results, the polls display the Broad Front (FA) party taking a majority of the votes. For the referendum predictions, the voter predictions may lie in favor of allowing police home raids and being against lowering the retirement age for pension benefits. These predictions have been made with AS/COA compiling poll election views on the candidates and concerns citizens have for their vote this week. There are great chances of the presidential candidate choice continuing into November for a runoff vote, but it will be a result to watch considering the divide of voters after the impact COVID-19 imposed on the state of Uruguay and their citizens. 

Recap

Lithuania

Lithuania’s first round of elections for the Seimas, Lithuania’s unicameral parliament, took place on Oct. 13, 2024 with the second round scheduled for Oct. 27. The 141 member body consists of 71 direct mandates, to be voted on in the second round, and 70 seats to be divided up proportional to how each party fared in the first round. In the first round the opposition Social Democrats came out on top, confirming earlier projections. Voters seemed to be especially concerned with the rising cost of living and the threat to security posed by Russia, whose enclave Kaliningrad shares a direct border with the Baltic state. The Social Democrats, under the leadership of Vilija Blinkeviciute, have announced that they seek to form a coalition with other left wing parties in order to oust the current conservative government under prime minister Ingrida Simonyte. A new right wing populist party, called the Dawn of Nemunas, participated for the first time in the election and received 15% of the vote.

Legal gaps and their impact

 “A lot of people feel shut out, like no one wants to help them, like no one cares about them,” said Tara Vogel, an attorney with experience in the Georgia Legal Services program, where she works with individuals who are underrepresented in the legal system. In Georgia, this sense of isolation is reflected in the numbers as well: 65% of the state’s population lives in the 154 counties outside metro Atlanta, yet only 30% of Georgia’s lawyers serve them, according to the American Bar Association. Additionally, 25% of the state’s 159 counties have five or fewer lawyers, leaving thousands of Georgians in each county unrepresented. The lack of attorneys in these counties serves as a significant barrier to legal representation for rural Georgians, who are often lower income than their counterparts in the Atlanta area. The shortage of lawyers affects their ability to access legal help for crucial civil matters such as divorce, eviction, and debt. 

Under the ruling of the Gideon v. Wainwright (1973) case, defendants have a constitutional right to counsel in criminal cases, upheld by the Due Process clause of the Fourteenth Amendment (Gideon). However, this right does not apply to civil cases, leaving civil defendants without public defenders. Although the liberty of the defendant is not at stake, there are still life- altering issues at risk such as custody of children, the defendant’s businesses, homes, and financial livelihoods. 

When facing eviction, only 4% of tenants are represented by a lawyer, compared to 83% of landlords, highlighting the stark contrast between those who can afford legal representation and those left to navigate the system alone. Individuals who cannot find representation in civil cases often write their own pleadings without any legal background or experience with the justice system, reflected in the statistic that an estimated 3 out of 5 people in civil cases go to court without a lawyer.  A lack of civil representation often leads individuals to miss court appearances, worsening their situation and straining the court system, with tenants unaware of federal eviction programs being particularly vulnerable to eviction. On a more personal level, the stress of navigating the legal system falls on the civil defendant when they cannot find access to representation, only adding to the chaos of one of the most presumably stressful experiences of their lives, with custody, estate, or financial issues at stake. 

Why rural Georgia?

Legal gaps are most prominent in rural communities in Georgia due to a variety of factors, impacting the draw of attorneys to the region. Urban migration towards Atlanta has caused attorneys to flood to the city, as the more densely populated region holds increased potential for cases. As John Gee Edwards articulates in a Georgia State piece, “there is not enough business to sustain a large number of attorneys” in rural Georgia counties. Underlying this economic draw is the reality of high student loan debt that many recent law school graduates face, as the average law school graduate leaves with $130,000 in student loan debt. This financial burden forces many graduates to pursue higher-paying jobs in urban centers, deepening the disparity in legal representation between cities and rural communities.

Another barrier for representation in rural communities is the lack of technology in the regions, limiting the access to information or communication with potential attorneys outside of the areas. Rural areas of Georgia face a severe broadband issue, meaning they lack access to high speed internet and connectivity that is necessary to communicate virtually. In low income areas of rural Georgia, a shortage of funding for technological advancement contributes further to the lack of connectivity to resources. Individuals do not have the access to information about the courts that they need to compensate for the lack of representation they face, and resources such as library services are often understaffed.

Additionally, residents of rural Georgia are disproportionately low income, making it financially difficult for them to travel to other areas to find representation, and afford the representation that they can locate. All of these factors lead to a shortage of lawyers and access to legal information in rural Georgia counties, while metro Atlanta counties have an attorney on seemingly every street corner. 

Current solutions

Despite the complexity and severity of the legal gaps in rural Georgia, there are current efforts that are attempting to address the legal access issues in rural counties. The Supreme Court of Georgia formed a regulatory committee to address access to justice in rural areas, with Chief Justice Boggs urging new lawyers to “pay it forward” through pro bono work. Local resources, such as the “Filing without an attorney” page of the Middle District of Georgia website, offer free guidance to defendants, particularly in counties impacted by limited access to legal representation.

Pro bono organizations in Georgia have been working to combat the legal gaps by offering pro bono and free legal services to qualifying defendants, including those involved in civil cases. The Georgia Legal Services Program specifically provides free civil legal help to Georgians outside of the metro Atlanta area, addressing the legal gaps in rural counties. Although the work of these pro bono organizations has touched a lot of individuals, their resources are limited and they face substantial funding issues that need to be addressed in order to expand their impact.

North Dakota’s 2013 Rural Attorney Recruitment Program, which incentivized recent law graduates to settle in rural areas through financial rewards, has been successful and could serve as a potential model for a similar program in Georgia. A similar bill was proposed in Georgia in 2015 to offer debt forgiveness on school loans for recent law school grads who practiced in local areas, but the bill never made it to the floor of the General Assembly.

Bridging the gap

While solutions such as pro bono legal organizations and rural placement programs address a portion of the legal gap issue, a multi faceted solution is required to truly bring greater access to justice to rural Georgia. One possible program that could aim to address the access to justice would be the introduction of  “Legal Paraprofessionals” into the state court system, allowing non lawyers to practice law with the supervision of a registered attorney. Alternatively, increased funding to local resources such as online legal databases, videos, or forums can provide higher quality information to defendants representing themselves in civil trials.  

Generative AI has the capability to help defendants without legal experience write their own pleadings in an efficient manner, presenting the issues in a way that aligns with the process of the court system. Generative AI has the promise of being an affordable alternative to traditional legal consultation from an attorney, and more concise pleadings from defendants would surely alleviate some of the efficiency issues at the civil court level. 

A linear solution is not sufficient to address the large legal gaps in rural Georgia, and it will likely require a combination of these approaches to achieve sustained change. Although the barriers to access are steep and it is a complex issue, advancements in technology and further public awareness of legal access issues demonstrate some promise in working to bridge the legal gap. 

The issue of felony disenfranchisement stands as a barrier between the realization of all fundamental rights and the principles of justice, raising questions about representation and the path to social reintegration. Studies indicate that three out of every four Americans who cannot vote due to a felony conviction, reside within our communities while completing felony probation or parole. This issue can be felt even in the familiar streets of downtown Athens, where the heartbeat of the city oscillates. Among the various activities and gatherings and throngs of people, are those who were formerly incarcerated. There are those who, despite their past mistakes, have become an integral part of the community. They volunteer, advocate for policy reform and contribute to the betterment of the community. Despite their efforts, there is a glaring disparity. Because of a history of incarceration, they are denied the fundamental right to vote, depriving them of any way to enact changes in the laws and policies that directly impact them. 

The consequences of disenfranchisement extend beyond the individual level. Research indicates that it contributes to the perpetuation of systemic inequalities within communities, particularly those already marginalized. A study conducted by the Sentencing Project reveals that Georgia’s disenfranchisement rate of 3.1% exceeds the national average of 2.0%, with  5.2% of the state’s Black voting-age population being denied the right to vote. 

In Georgia, as in many other states, individuals convicted of felonies lose their right to vote even after completing their sentences. The impact is staggering, with African American men disproportionately affected by these laws. According to the Department of Justice, the percentage of Black men likely to go to prison during their lifetime is 28.5% compared to that of white men, who have a likelihood percentage of 4.4%.  African American men are six times more likely than white men to be incarcerated during their lifetimes. This disparity in incarceration rights draws attention to the racial inequities embedded within the criminal justice system. It reflects a history of systemic biases, from policing practices to sentencing outcomes, disproportionately affecting communities of color. These inequities not only increase cycles of marginalization but also challenge the principles of fairness and equality our democratic society claims to be built on. 

In addition to the challenges faced by formerly incarcerated individuals in Georgia, the issue is exacerbated by the involvement of private prisons in the state. Private prisons, operated by corporations for profit, have a vested interest in maintaining high incarceration rates to ensure financial viability. Consequently, they often lobby for harsher sentencing laws and contribute to the continuation of policies that disenfranchise individuals with felony convictions. Profit motives often take precedence over rehabilitation and reintegration efforts, and contribute to the overrepresentation of African American men in the criminal justice system.  

The journey of reintegration for individuals post-incarceration is filled with challenges, from securing employment to rebuilding relationships. As stated above, one often overlooked aspect is the restoration of civic rights. When individuals are unable to vote, they are effectively silenced in the democratic process. This absence of voice not only eliminates their sense of belonging but also hinders the collective representation of their communities. In places like Athens-Clarke County, where historical disenfranchisement and racial tensions persist, restoring voting rights to the previously incarcerated is crucial for promoting inclusivity.

Efforts to address felony disenfranchisement are gaining momentum across the country. Organizations like Common Cause advocate for the restoration of voting rights, highlighting  the importance of civic engagement in reducing recidivism and fostering community reintegration. Local and state organizations in Georgia, including the American Civil Liberties Union or ACLU of Georgia and the Georgia Coalition for the People’s Agenda, are actively engaged in legal battle and advocacy efforts to change laws that prolong this deprivation of fundamental rights.  The Georgia Justice Project is another organization that plays a crucial role in advocating for criminal justice reform and supporting individuals affected by the system. The Georgia Justice Project focuses on providing legal representation, support services, and advocacy for individuals impacted by the criminal justice system. Through these efforts, the project aims to address the root causes of mass incarceration, promote alternatives to incarceration and advocate for the restoration of voting rights. By working collaboratively with community members, policymakers, and others, these organizations strive to create a more just society where everyone has the opportunity to rebuild their lives and participate fully in civic life. 

Photo Credit: https://www.pexels.com/photo/a-person-with-a-wristband-casting-a-vote-5926256/

Image from Atlanta Journal-Constitution. Leo Frank and his wife Lucille in the courtroom for his murder trial, Georgia, 1913.

In a notorious episode of Georgia’s legal history, Leo Frank, a Jewish factory manager, was convicted of the murder of a young girl named Mary Phagan in Georgia in 1913 through a legal process steeped in anti-semitism and error. Despite doubts about his guilt, he was sentenced to death; in 1915, while on death row, his sentence was commuted by Georgia Governor John M. Slaton to life imprisonment. Frank was murdered by a lynch mob later that year, a crime for which no one was ever prosecuted. 

In the modern day, the consensus of investigators and legal scholars alike is that Leo Frank was innocent of murder. In 1986, Frank was pardoned by the State of Georgia. The state cited its lack of action to protect him and grant due process but did not comment on his guilt or innocence. 

As such, a decades-long effort to see Frank declared innocent via posthumous exoneration remains ongoing. The effort, pushed largely by community leaders such as Rabbi Steven Lebow and former Governor Roy Barnes, has led to the establishment of a task force to reinvestigate the case and renewed public interest. The one thing it has not led to is an exoneration. Yet. 

The lack of precedent for the posthumous exoneration being sought for Frank has long been an impediment to the movement. The recent exoneration of the Groveland Four in Florida, who faced a strikingly similar legal process, could change that. Despite the rarity of posthumous exonerations in America, the recent exoneration of the Groveland Four in Florida paves the way for the long-awaited exoneration of Leo Frank in Georgia. The two cases jointly prove that posthumous exoneration is essential to reconciling past injustices and that it is incumbent upon states to pursue them if justified. 

Background

Posthumous exonerations, distinct from pardons in that they completely acquit guilt, are extremely rare in America. In fact, less than 1% of all exonerations are granted after death, and the National Registry of Exonerations records only four individuals who have been exonerated explicitly by name. 

According to the University of Michigan School of Law’s report on posthumous and historical exonerations, this can be attributed to the court’s dismissal of proceedings as moot following a defendant’s death. In other words, there’s no established procedure for reconsidering guilt after death. As a result, many historical cases have been surrounded by outrage in light of modern evidence proving innocence without any exonerating action being taken by the state. 

The rarity of posthumous exonerations in America highlights the need for a structure by which they can be pursued and past injustices can be remedied after death. The recent exoneration of the Groveland Four in Florida demonstrates a positive step in this direction, emphasizing the importance of addressing glaring injustice in historical cases and providing complete acquittal of guilt even after death.

The Groveland Four and Leo Frank

The Groveland Four case involved four young African American men—Samuel Shepherd, Walter Irvin, Charles Greenlee, and Ernest Thomas—who were wrongfully accused of raping a white woman in Groveland, Florida, in 1949. Their convictions were marred by racial bias, coerced confessions, and lack of due process. If this sounds similar to Georgia’s Frank case, that’s because it is. The cases mirror one another strongly, mainly in their fundamentally flawed legal processes. 

• Racial and Religious Bias: Leo Frank was Jewish, and the trial took place in a deeply anti-Semitic and racially charged environment in Georgia during the early twentieth century. The Groveland Four, black men with a white female accuser, faced a similarly highly prejudiced climate. 
• Coerced Testimonies: In both cases, witnesses were coerced or intimidated into giving false testimonies. In the Frank case, initial prime suspect Jim Conley was coached by the prosecution to give strikingly inconsistent testimony against Frank. In the Groveland Four case, defendants Samuel Shepherd and Walter Irvin were brutally beaten by law enforcement to secure coerced confessions. 
• Lack of Physical Evidence: No concrete physical evidence tied Frank to the murder of Mary Phagan nor the Groveland Four to the rape of their accuser, Norma Padgett. The cases were built completely on circumstantial evidence and coerced testimony, both marred by prejudice. 
• Inadequate Legal Representation: Leo Frank’s team faced threats to their safety and a judge who was openly biased against the defense. The Groveland Four were not provided with competent legal counsel during their initial trial.

Posthumous Exoneration

The Groveland Four were exonerated in November of 2021. Although there is no formal legal process for pursuing posthumous exonerations, the five key steps leading to the Groveland Four’s exoneration provide structure to the pursuit. 

1. Review: In 2018, Florida Attorney General Pam Bondi ordered a review of the Groveland Four case. The case was referred to law enforcement and Prosecutor Bill Gladson’s office. 
2. Pardon: In 2019, Governor DeSantis pardoned the Groveland Four after his campaign promise to do so. 
3. New evidence: In 2021, the grandson of the Groveland Four prosecutor informed investigators that he had found letters indicating that his grandfather and the case’s judge knew that no rape had occurred. 
4. Request for Exoneration: Prosecutor Bill Gladson filed to get rid of Thomas’ and Shepherd’s indictments and vacate sentences and judgments imposed on Greenlee and Irvin. He cited the letters from the original prosecutor and judge, as well as evidence that a primary witness’s testimony and provided evidence was fabricated.
5. Exoneration: Lake County Circuit Court Judge Heidi Davis cleared the charges against the men and issued a ruling that effectively exonerated them of the crime. 

Given the similarities between the cases, activists and lawmakers in the state of Georgia could find a path to posthumously exonerating  Leo Frank by following a similar structure. Although the Groveland Four exoneration does not directly establish legal precedent from a different state, it does establish that a framework exists by which posthumous exoneration efforts can be successful. This achievement offers a beacon of hope after decades of effort.

More broadly, the Groveland Four and Leo Frank cases serve as a powerful testament to the fact that resolving past injustice demands an established process for pursuing posthumous exoneration in American court systems. These cases, marred by prejudice, coerced testimonies, a lack of physical evidence, and inadequate legal representation, illustrate the inherent flaws in legal proceedings that failed to uphold the court’s fundamental duty to justice.

The exoneration of the Groveland Four demonstrates that with a structured approach, courts can right historical wrongs and provide complete acquittal of guilt, even after death. As we move forward, states must recognize their responsibility to pursue posthumous exonerations when justified and create clear legal pathways to do so.  Only such action can ensure that no one is denied the opportunity to be absolved of crimes they did not commit, even if they can no longer speak for themselves. 

On Dec. 6, 2022, Sen. Raphael Warnock quelled a challenge from former University of Georgia and NFL football star Herschel Walker in Georgia’s U.S. Senate runoff, after a neck-in-neck general election left no candidate above the victory threshold of 50%. While family scandals, controversial policy stances, and doubts about Walker’s character beleaguered his path to victory, polls frequently projected that Warnock would lose, with aggregate pollsters such as FiveThirtyEight predicting a one-point Walker win prior to the November general election. Yet, Warnock secured a nearly 3% margin of victory–a resounding victory for a Senate election in Georgia, where three out of the last four races have been decided by 2% or less. This begs the question of how Democrats held a Senate seat in a traditionally conservative state against a widely-recognized name in a year that favored Republicans amid national discontent with the Biden administration.

First, Georgia’s runoff election saw a significant decrease in turnout–but that decline in voter participation was not equally distributed between candidates. Turnout reductions are normal for runoff elections; for example, when two Senate races in Georgia also went to runoff in 2020, turnout decreased by 10%. That pattern held in the most recent election, where statewide turnout decreased from 56.9% in November to 50.5% in December. Warnock’s deflated number of votes matches the overall trend in a nearly flawless fashion, receiving 6.6% fewer votes. However, Walker’s vote count diminished greater than the overall trend, garnering 9.8% fewer votes than in the general election. This statistical disparity points to two trends that likely doomed a GOP win–Republican voters’ unenthusiastic attitude toward Walker, and Democrats’ motivation to reelect Warnock.

The severity of Walker’s dwindling popularity among voters is even more apparent when examining where turnout changed. Rural counties, the heartland of Republican support in Georgia, generally saw smaller decreases in voter turnout in the range of 2-4%. These reductions were smaller than the statewide average as well as urban and suburban Democratic strongholds–something that should have been a good sign for the GOP. Election pundits noted that to win, Walker would have to greatly shore up his rural margins in the runoff. However, across the state, even in these Republican strongholds, Warnock actually increased his share of votes, indicating that of the voters that turned out on Dec. 6, a greater proportion voted Democrat. 

When comparing Republican Gov. Brian Kemp’s recent election results to Walker’s, low enthusiasm for Walker among Republicans becomes even more apparent. Despite the high stakes of the Senate race for a Republican party trying to claw back control from a 50-50 Senate, Walker received 200,000 fewer votes than Kemp on the day of the general election. This phenomenon cannot be entirely attributed to Kemp’s popularity with moderate Democrats or independents–exit polls indicate that moderates favored Stacey Abrams by 24%, while independents were split almost evenly 48% Abrams to 49% Kemp. In other words, Republican voters showed up to vote for Kemp but balked at voting for Walker. After Kemp was no longer on the ballot in December, Walker was left high and dry. Compared to the number of votes Kemp received in November, Walker’s support in the runoff plummeted, with heavily-populated counties such as Fulton, DeKalb, Gwinnett, and Cobb seeing decreases in the range of 20-34%. Walker’s runoff tumble reveals that a substantial portion of his general election voter base was motivated to turn out with Kemp at the top of the ticket, but lacked enthusiasm about Walker’s candidacy.

In an election between two Black candidates, there was speculation that the votes of Black Georgians would become more evenly spread between parties, with Walker capturing a far greater share of the demographic than past GOP candidates. Alas for Republicans, this racial reorientation did not occur. Walker only won only one majority-Black county (Early County) out of Georgia’s 20 and exit polls showed that Black voters broke for Warnock 90% to Walker’s 8%–almost the exact same margins as Warnock’s defeat of Kelly Loeffler in 2020. During his campaign, Walker frequently discussed issues of race and racism, or rather, his nonbelief in their existence in modern America, inquiring at a rally in May, “where is this racism thing coming from?” It is clear that Black voters did not feel drawn to Walker’s platform any more than previous Republicans, despite his race, proving that a candidate’s rhetoric and policies speak to a minority group far louder than the candidate’s own identity.

Educational polarization is an oft-discussed topic in recent years. This hypothesis posits that the Democrats have become the party of the college-educated, while Republicans have become champions of those with lower educational attainment. However, Georgia’s Senate runoff disputes this idea. Walker won seven counties with a majority of college-educated residents (who either attended college or received a bachelor’s degree or graduate degree) to Warnock’s five. Walker did win a far greater number of counties with low numbers of college-educated residents, but the divergence is not as distinct as one might expect. Exit polls confirm this trend: there was a near 50-50 split among voters who attended some college or earned a college degree. Only graduate degree-holders and those who never attended college broke heavily for one candidate. The lack of a strong alignment between political parties and educational status contradicts claims of strong educational polarization. Instead, it is clear that the demographic nature behind party affiliation cannot be boiled down to one characteristic like education, and what compels a citizen to vote for one party or the other is more complicated than a single variable like educational attainment.

According to the Bureau of Labor Statistics’ consumer price index, inflation is up 8.2% from a year ago, reaching a four-decade high. With increasing production costs, inflation has especially hurt the agricultural industry, due to the time-intensive nature of growing crops in an aggressive and competitive market. Georgia’s massive agricultural industry has suffered—especially its blueberry producers. Ironically, blueberries are one of the most prodigious fruits produced in the inaptly named Peach State. Those small blue orbs yield over 120 million dollars and occupy over 18 thousand acres in Georgia. Labor and supply costs are expensive, pushing up the prices of blueberries. Because of inflation, blueberry farmers face a multitude of financial problems, with increased production and harvesting costs and a decrease in demand. To combat these rising expenditures, blueberry farmers must increase their production of blueberries—a difficult and expensive task.

Johnnie Swain, President and Founder of Swain Farms and Swain Foods, sold between 300 and 400 thousand pounds of blueberries last year. This massive haul requires careful, timely transport to consumers. According to Mr. Swain, the jump in diesel prices has increased the cost of production. Diesel is essential to blueberry harvesting—large temporary coolers powered by diesel keep the freshly harvested product cool, preventing over-ripening from exposure to the summer heat. Additionally, many haulers rely upon diesel engines to transport blueberries. Thus, harvesting the berry has become even more expensive. However, these costs are unavoidable, since without these air-conditioned trailers or trucks, the entire year’s production of blueberries would never make it to market. 

However, financial problems are not limited to the end of the growing period—the whole cycle is riddled with increased expenses. Fertilizer in the past year has shot up 11% on average. Because the only way to stay ahead of rising costs is to continue to produce, reducing fertilizer is counter-productive. This vicious loop bites at the profits and wellbeing of the farmers. While fertilizer is necessary to continue with production, some farmers might stop other preventative motions. An issue with blueberry farming is its unique harvesting period from May to July. While the summer months remain consistent in temperature, the growing spring season varies widely in temperature, and could lead to some sudden extremes. Late season spring freezes are a dangerous aspect of farming. To prevent the loss of product, farmers implement overhead PVC piping freeze protection. This is extremely expensive, according to Swain, especially considering that over the course of a season, they might never be used. Insuring crop health weighs down growers’ profits. But without insurance, growers face a dangerous gamble that could lead crops exposed and ruined in an effort to cut costs.

However, this rise in costs is not proportionally realized in sales. Swain believes that the prices will actually decrease as “blueberries become a luxury that [the consumer] can do without”. Less people will be willing to pay for fruits when confronting higher rent and grocery bills. This decrease in demand, will translate into a lower market price. Even with additional cost hikes, the farmers will not regain their original profits. They are in a financial bind. Blueberry growers are pressed at every side, and the cost of production is swallowing the market cost.

Currently, Swain Farms is absorbing the blows to the profits and reaching into their coffers to ride out this hectic time, but smaller farmers do not have such luxuries. Swain sees the only way out of this mess is for markets to stabilize. He acknowledges that the “government could… give out handouts to growers, but again that’s just a band aid, not a real solution.” Instead, he is waiting in hope of “a stable economy that’s not based on the Federal Reserve printing money.” While the path of the economy is unclear, it is hoped that these delicious berry’s chaotic market will settle, leading to profits and more blueberries in the future. It is imperative that these growers remain inclined to grow, not just for their own financial gain and health of the Georgia economy, but also for consumers to continue enjoying the enchanting and unforgettable taste of blueberries.